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Related: Editorials & Other Articles, Issue Forums, Alliance Forums, Region ForumsWhy Does Hate Thrive Online? - The roots of Internet culture provide a few clues.
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In 1996, John Perry Barlow published the Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace. I come from Cyberspace, the new home of Mind, Barlow wrote. Ours is a world that is both everywhere and nowhere, but it is not where bodies live. We are creating a world that all may enter without privilege or prejudice accorded by race, economic power, military force, or station of birth. Online, the legal concepts of property, expression, identity, movement, and context do not apply to us, he continued. Barlow envisioned an Internet where all users are created equalmale or female, rich or poor, sweetheart or asshole. In our world, all the sentiments and expressions of humanity, from the debasing to the angelic, are parts of a seamless whole, the global conversation of bits. We cannot separate the air that chokes from the air upon which wings beat.
In real life, Barlow comes from Wyoming. Hes a co-founder of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a former lyricist for the Grateful Dead, and a white male libertarian. Read one way, Barlows declaration gives marginalized communities permission to speak truth to power. Read another, it discourages women and people of color from discussing their bodies and identities online while emboldening others to bully them into silence. Upon publication, Barlows declaration spread like kudzu through the electrical wires of the virtual world, Businessweek reported. Within months, it had been republished across the Web 5,000 times. Nearly two decades later, Kate Miltner, who studies online structural inequality at the University of Southern California, recognized Barlows words echoing through the #GamerGate controversy. It was almost as if the Web had been calibrated from the very beginning to allow a bigoted harassment campaign to flourish.
Why does hate thrive online? In a roundtable discussion published recently in Social Media + Society, Miltner and a crew of fellow digital culture scholars attempt to answer that question by identifying the historical roots of Internet trolling, bullying, flaming, and harassment. One culprit: The flattened perspective promoted by early Web activists like Barlowwhich seeks to erase power politics, social context, and physical cues from digital culturemay force users to speak louder and harsher in order to be seen and heard. University of Sussex digital cultures professor Tim Jordan argues that because online markers of identity are inherently unstable, unlike the body or timbre of a voice, they have to be stabilized by being heard consistently. On the Internet, women and people of color are forced to constantly articulate aspects of their identity that are often obvious in face-to-face communication or already established in personal relationships where identities remain stableyou already know which participant in the discussion identifies as black and which has had an abortion. Meanwhile, their haters need to spew insults constantly in order to be consistently recognized as opponents of a marginalized group.
But Miltner argues that the offline identities of early power users may be more important to the structure of the Web than the mechanisms by which those identities are translated online. Historically, both the gaming world and the Internet were the provinces of a particular type of geek masculinity that sprang from the male-dominated, rational-scientific environment of early technocultures, Miltner writes. (Id add white-dominated to that list.) These early power users had their own motivations for erasing social context and body talk from the digital space. In an article about the concurrent rise of Gamergate and the Fappening, published in New Media & Society this month, University of Illinois at Chicago communication professor Adrienne Massanari notes that men branded as geeks are grappling with their own set of cultural prejudices and personal insecurities that situate them as weak, sexually undesirable, and socially inept and that some fight back by valorizing intellect over social or emotional intelligence. Now, as women, people of color, and people of varying levels of technical expertise assert their rights to participate and engage in these spaces on their own terms, Miltner writes, we witness backlash from those most deeply entrenched in these communities. To some, online discussions about feminism and racism are seen as battles over the soul of the Internet itself.
In 1996, John Perry Barlow published the Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace. I come from Cyberspace, the new home of Mind, Barlow wrote. Ours is a world that is both everywhere and nowhere, but it is not where bodies live. We are creating a world that all may enter without privilege or prejudice accorded by race, economic power, military force, or station of birth. Online, the legal concepts of property, expression, identity, movement, and context do not apply to us, he continued. Barlow envisioned an Internet where all users are created equalmale or female, rich or poor, sweetheart or asshole. In our world, all the sentiments and expressions of humanity, from the debasing to the angelic, are parts of a seamless whole, the global conversation of bits. We cannot separate the air that chokes from the air upon which wings beat.
In real life, Barlow comes from Wyoming. Hes a co-founder of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a former lyricist for the Grateful Dead, and a white male libertarian. Read one way, Barlows declaration gives marginalized communities permission to speak truth to power. Read another, it discourages women and people of color from discussing their bodies and identities online while emboldening others to bully them into silence. Upon publication, Barlows declaration spread like kudzu through the electrical wires of the virtual world, Businessweek reported. Within months, it had been republished across the Web 5,000 times. Nearly two decades later, Kate Miltner, who studies online structural inequality at the University of Southern California, recognized Barlows words echoing through the #GamerGate controversy. It was almost as if the Web had been calibrated from the very beginning to allow a bigoted harassment campaign to flourish.
Why does hate thrive online? In a roundtable discussion published recently in Social Media + Society, Miltner and a crew of fellow digital culture scholars attempt to answer that question by identifying the historical roots of Internet trolling, bullying, flaming, and harassment. One culprit: The flattened perspective promoted by early Web activists like Barlowwhich seeks to erase power politics, social context, and physical cues from digital culturemay force users to speak louder and harsher in order to be seen and heard. University of Sussex digital cultures professor Tim Jordan argues that because online markers of identity are inherently unstable, unlike the body or timbre of a voice, they have to be stabilized by being heard consistently. On the Internet, women and people of color are forced to constantly articulate aspects of their identity that are often obvious in face-to-face communication or already established in personal relationships where identities remain stableyou already know which participant in the discussion identifies as black and which has had an abortion. Meanwhile, their haters need to spew insults constantly in order to be consistently recognized as opponents of a marginalized group.
But Miltner argues that the offline identities of early power users may be more important to the structure of the Web than the mechanisms by which those identities are translated online. Historically, both the gaming world and the Internet were the provinces of a particular type of geek masculinity that sprang from the male-dominated, rational-scientific environment of early technocultures, Miltner writes. (Id add white-dominated to that list.) These early power users had their own motivations for erasing social context and body talk from the digital space. In an article about the concurrent rise of Gamergate and the Fappening, published in New Media & Society this month, University of Illinois at Chicago communication professor Adrienne Massanari notes that men branded as geeks are grappling with their own set of cultural prejudices and personal insecurities that situate them as weak, sexually undesirable, and socially inept and that some fight back by valorizing intellect over social or emotional intelligence. Now, as women, people of color, and people of varying levels of technical expertise assert their rights to participate and engage in these spaces on their own terms, Miltner writes, we witness backlash from those most deeply entrenched in these communities. To some, online discussions about feminism and racism are seen as battles over the soul of the Internet itself.
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Why Does Hate Thrive Online? - The roots of Internet culture provide a few clues. (Original Post)
Agschmid
Oct 2015
OP
NuclearDem
(16,184 posts)1. ...
Agschmid
(28,749 posts)2. Seems about right.