Violent Protests in Venezuela Fit a Pattern
Violent Protests in Venezuela Fit a Pattern
Written by Dan Beeton
Wednesday, 19 February 2014 13:40
Venezuelas latest round of violent protests appears to fit a pattern, and represents the tug-and-pull nature of the countrys divided opposition. Several times over the past 15 years since the late, former president Hugo Chávez took office in 1999, the political opposition has launched violent protests aimed at forcing the current president out of office. Most notably, such protests were a part of the April 2002 coup that temporarily deposed Chávez, and then accompanied the 2002/2003 oil strike. In February of 2004, a particularly radical sector of the opposition unleashed the Guarimba: violent riots by small groups who paralyzed much of the east of Caracas for several days with the declared goal of creating a state of chaos. As CEPR Co-Director Mark Weisbrot has explained, then as now the strategy is clear: a sector of the opposition seeks to overturn the results of democratic elections. An important difference this time of course is that Venezuela has its first post-Chávez president, and a key part of the oppositions strategy overall has been to depict Nicolás Maduro as a pale imitation of his predecessor and a president ill-equipped to deal with the countrys problems (many of which are exaggerated in the Venezuelan private media, which is still largely opposition-owned, as well as the international media).
Following Maduros electoral victory in April last year (with much of the opposition crying fraud despite there being no reasonable doubts about the validity of the results), the opposition looked to the December municipal elections as a referendum on Maduros government, vowing to defeat governing party PSUV and allied candidates. The outcome, which left the pro-Maduro parties with a 10 point margin of victory, was a stunning defeat for the opposition, and this time they did not even bother claiming the elections were rigged. According to the oppositions own pre-election analysis, support for Maduro had apparently grown over the months preceding the election. As we have pointed out, this may be due in part to the large reduction in poverty in 2012 and other economic and social gains that preceded the more recent economic problems.
Defeated at the polls, the anti-democratic faction of the opposition prepared for a new attempt at destabilizing the elected government, and promoted relatively small, but often violent student protests in early February. They then called for a massive protest on February 12, Venezuelas Youth Day in the center of Caracas. The demonstrations have been accompanied by a social media campaign that has spread misinformation in an attempt to depict the Maduro administration as a violent dictatorship instead of a popular elected government. Images of police violence from other countries and past protests some several years old have been presented on social media as having occurred in recent days in Venezuela. A YouTube video that has been watched by almost 2 million viewers presents a one-sided portrayal of the situation and falsely states that the Venezuelan government controls all radio and television in the country, among other distortions. Similar disinformation occurred in April 2002 and in other past incidents in Venezuela, most notably when manipulated video footage was used to provide political justification for the coup detat.
While some in Washington foreign policy circles may attempt to portray the leaders of this new wave of protests as persecuted pro-democracy heroes, they in fact have histories of supporting anti-democratic and unconstitutional efforts to oust the government. Both Leopoldo López and Maria Corina Machado supported the 2002 coup; in Lópezs case he participated in it by supervising the arrest of then-Minister of Justice and the Interior Ramón Rodríguez Chacín, when López was mayor of Chacao. Police dragged Rodríguez Chacín out of the building where he had sought refuge into an angry mob, who physically attacked him. Corina Machado notably was present when the coup government of Pedro Carmona was sworn in, and signed the infamous Carmona decree dissolving the congress, the constitution and the Supreme Court. The Christian Science Monitor reported yesterday:
the opposition has a touchy protest history in Venezuela. Early on in former President Hugo Chavezs administration, the opposition was consistently on the streets calling for an end to his presidency. In 2002, they organized a coup that briefly unseated the president. Though the opposition leadership is not calling for a coup, the reputation the group made for itself barely a decade ago may be haunting it as it vocally pushes back against Maduros administration.
More:
http://www.cepr.net/index.php/blogs/the-americas-blog/violent-protests-in-venezuela-fit-a-pattern
cheapdate
(3,811 posts)across all elections at every level, but in the presidential election the vote was very close. Maduro's margin of victory in the presidential election was roughly 200,000 votes out of more than 14 million votes cast. His opponent, Henrique Capriles, won around 7.3 million votes to Maduro's 7.5 million.
There is clearly widespread dissatisfaction across broad segments of the Venezuelan population with the leadership of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).
The PSUV needs to do more than proclaim lofty principles, they need to govern competently and solve problems. If they don't manage to do so, they will eventually bring irreparable discredit to themselves and their political ideals.
Venezuela's education reforms of a few years ago were perhaps well intended, but the legislation itself is a complete unworkable mess, in my opinion. The new media laws that were passed a few years ago have more than a few highly questionable provisions. The level of crime in the capital and around the country is nearly unimaginable; homicide, armed robbery, and kidnapping are epidemic. Inflation is running over 50%. Even with public support for the poor, that level of inflation is a real hardship. Several large government construction projects have turned into disastrous boondoggles of corruption and incompetence.
I'm not saying this to shit on the United Socialist Party or their political goals. But they need to honestly recognize the scope of the problems they confront and get their shit together.
bananas
(27,509 posts)Inspiration from India
by Bruce K. Gagnon
Wednesday, February 19, 2014
<snip>
My last time in India Rao took me on an unforgettable trip via train and then van through busy and dangerous mountain roads to Kashmir. We visited Srinagar. Martial law was declared while we were there and I saw first hand the kind of future the corporate oligarchy is making for all of us around the globe - internal conflict and growing instability. You can see my blog post from Srinagar here. Below is just a bit from that particular blog.
As I continue to read the book by former Indian Naval Chief, Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, he makes all this even more clear. One important strategy of corporate globalization he reminds the reader is balkanization. They did it in Yugoslavia when they broke apart that socialist country by fueling ethnic conflicts. Bhagwat says the global corporate agenda is now the same everywhere, fuel the rage and divide the people against one another. Then sell weapons and steal natural resources and exploit cheap labor as the people fight one another.
Bhagwat writes:
"Therefore, the big question is whether the Indian military is being nudged to reorient itself to moving away from defending India and Indian interests to such unending, quests as furthering regime changes, democracy, and the smoke-screen, of the global war on terror, under U.S. auspices."
<snip>
Judi Lynn
(160,515 posts)Very glad to have seen this article. Thank you.
bemildred
(90,061 posts)Because that is all they really know how to do.
imthevicar
(811 posts)Shut down the NGO's