http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,559730,00.htmlBy Ralf Beste, Hans-Jürgen Schlamp and Stefan Simons
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Following a long journey through the EU institutions, the name of the text had been changed from the EU “constitution” to the more harmless-sounding “Treaty of Lisbon.” Still, the treaty, which to a large degree had been shepherded through by German Chancellor Angela Merkel, appeared to have the power to streamline EU decision-making and to give it a single voice to the outside world by creating a position equivalent to an EU foreign minister. But that didn’t happen. Now everything is up in the air once again. The 860,000 "no" voters in Ireland have blocked the path of a half-billion Europeans. In any case, the treaty will no longer be able to go into effect as planned on January 1, 2009, lamented Luxembourg’s prime minister, Jean-Claude Juncker. And no one can say for certain now whether it will be possible to overcome the blockade.
“This is an utter disaster,” one diplomat at the French Foreign Ministry commented. “It’s an even deeper crisis than in 2005,” said Jo Leinen, chairman of the committee in the European Parliament responsible for drafting the original constitution. Back then, the French and the Dutch rejected the draft constitution in national referenda. It took three difficult years after that to get the treaty back on track as the Treaty of Lisbon. But, as French Prime Minister Francois Fillon said, “If the Irish people decide to reject the Lisbon Treaty, naturally there won't be any more Lisbon Treaty.”
Even committed members of the European Parliament, like Germany’s Elmar Brok of the conservative Christian Democrats, who is an advisor to German Chancellor Angela Merkel on EU matters, believe this week’s development threatens to bring an end to a united Europe in its current form. The community of 27, Brok believes, may wind up getting reduced to a casual economic alliance of friendly states and a “mini-Europe based around Germany and France.” This multi-speed model, however, would be the worse case scenario for Berlin in terms of Germany’s foreign and European policy.
During a meeting last week in Germany, Merkel and Sarkozy together agreed on how they would respond if the Irish rejected the referendum. But neither really knew what they should do. Capturing the sense of helplessness both felt, Sarkozy said, “Whatever happens, we will offer a joint German-French response.” No matter what, the two said, the ratification process should continue, and an exit clause could be provided for the Irish if they weren’t willing to hold a swift second referendum on the issue. On Friday afternoon, France’s minister for European affairs, Jean-Pierre Jouyet, who described himself as "devastated," suggested that the scope of the treaty could be limited to the other 26 member states and that Ireland could be offered some other type of legal arrangement.
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