"What do flight attendants, auto workers, college professors, clerical workers, and public employees have in common? We – and most of our counterparts in the U.S., Latin America, Europe, Asia, Africa, indeed, all over the world – are under the gun, the gun of "neoliberalism." More than 150 years ago, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels ended their Communist Manifesto with the call: "Workers of the World Unite. You Have Nothing to Lose But Your Chains." But for the next century and a half, rather than unite on a global basis, workers competed with each other for privileges, advantages, and jobs, falling prey to nationalism and racism, even to the point of fighting wars to the death against each other. Now, perhaps for the first time in the history of the capitalist system, capital is attacking labor all over the world, in all industries, with the same techniques, demands, and pressures. As grim as the recent past, present, and immediate future might appear, with wage and benefit cuts, economic insecurity, draconian reorganizations of work rules and job descriptions, declining rates of unionization and declining effectiveness of conventional strikes, the prospects for the emergence of a global labor movement have never been better"
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"Why is it called "neoliberalism"? This name harkens back to the philosophical and economic "liberalism" that accompanied the emergence of free market capitalism out of the government-controlled eras of feudalism, mercantilism, and colonialism. This initial "liberalism," championed by the likes of Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and John Locke, celebrated the market, unencumbered by government interference, as a "rational" and "efficient" institution, in which providers of inputs would be rewarded in proportion to the value of their contributions. As capitalists – bankers and corporate execs, their lawyers, political agents, and media flaks – responded to what they saw in the 1970s as the crisis of Keynesianism, particularly its government-provided social benefits, its willingness to constrain corporate behavior, and its implicit "social contract" between employers and their unionized workers, they sought to restore a "market" environment, on a global as well as a national basis, in which they would have a free hand to invest where they wanted, employ whom they wanted for whatever wages and benefits they wanted to pay, and buy and sell wherever they wanted. This is their "neoliberalism."
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"Here in the United States, the spread and deepening of neoliberalism has had widespread consequences. Barbara Bowen, president of the Professional Staff Congress, the 35,000-plus member faculty union at the City University of New York, presented a paper to the "How Class Works" conference at SUNY-Stony Brook in June which pointed out that 70% of the new college-level teaching jobs created throughout the United States are casual, temporary, part-time, adjunct. When 10,000 mechanics responded to management demands for a 50% reduction in jobs and a 26% reduction in wages and benefits by striking, Northwest Airlines implemented a strategy that combined outsourcing to non-union facilities in the U.S. and outside the U.S. altogether, the employment of permanent replacements through inside contracting, the filing of bankruptcy to gain leverage over not only the mechanics but all of the unions at the airline, and the threat of walking away from their already underfunded pensions. From Northwest to Delta, from Delco to GM, so-called "legacy" employers (that is, those with retirees to whom they have financial obligations) have announced that they can no longer "compete" if they are forced to live up to those obligations. When the state of Minnesota announced that it was running a budget deficit, the Republican governor unilaterally decided to drop 30,000 adults from "MinnesotaCare," the state-subsidized healthcare program. And so it goes."
http://www.centerforlaborrenewal.org/?P=A&Category_ID=1&Article=147&PHPSESSID=0f8d