The man behind the Myanmar madnessBy Richard Ehrlich and Shawn W Crispin
Asia TimesSeptember 28, 2007
BANGKOK - Myanmar's monk-led struggle for political change has made global headlines, but the dictator who rules the country with an iron fist, General Than Shwe, 74, is still obscure, often grimly hidden behind dark sunglasses and a military uniform decorated with medals. He is widely viewed, both at home and overseas, as the major stumbling block to national reconciliation and the restoration of democracy.
The senior general is occasionally seen in local media saluting Myanmar's powerful armed forces at parades and other state ceremonies, his jowls framing a plump, sullen face. He is also widely known to suffer from health problems, for which he frequently seeks medical care in Singapore, and some analysts wonder whether he still has the mental facilities and political judgment to manage the current crisis roiling his regime.
Rumors circulating in the Thailand-based Burmese-exile community contend that the military leader recently sent his close family members to Bangkok in case the protests spiral out of control. As the hardline junta's top general, Than Shwe would certainly have reason to fear if the growing protest movement eventually led to forced regime change.
Rights groups in Thailand have studiously chronicled the military regime's abuses, including well-documented allegations of forced labor, torture, systematic rape and the ill-treatment of many of the country's estimated 1,200 political prisoners. For many of those charges, rights groups contend, Than Shwe could be held directly responsible in an eventual international tribunal.
The introverted and superstitious leader is also known to be the driving force behind the junta's bizarre decision to move the national capital 400 kilometers north from Yangon to Naypyidaw in 2005. Some political analysts have speculated that the new capital was built toward the aim of re-establishing the country's long-abolished monarchy as part of a broader political transition where Than Shwe would assume a newly established throne.
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The current uprising led by Buddhist monks, pro-democracy activists and a growing number of ordinary people echoes a similar, failed popular insurrection in 1988, which Than Shwe and other military leaders crushed after city streets swelled with protesters.
An estimated 3,000 people perished in that idealistic attempt to topple the regime and restore democracy. Many people now fear an equally bloody confrontation could erupt amid the current clashes, and there have been reports that Than Shwe favors a heavy-handed response over possible negotiations.
During the military's internal squabbling after 1988, Ne Win was ousted in a coup and Than Shwe rose to the new hardline military regime's top spot in 1992. Ne Win died under house arrest in 2002.
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Last year his government suffered a rare paparazzi-style scandal, when he hosted an unusually lavish wedding for his daughter. A 10-minute video clip, filmed at the wedding in the old capital Yangon, surfaced on the Internet purporting to show the bride, Thandar Shwe, swathed in sumptuous jewels - revealing the utter disparity in wealth between the military elite and the impoverished general population.
The champagne, five-star comforts and other opulence became a sore point among exile-based dissidents and the butt of jokes mocking Than Shwe and the junta's insistence that his military regime is not corrupt. This week, international corruption watchdog Transparency International ranked Myanmar, along with Somalia, as the most corrupt country in the world in the group's 180-country index for 2007.
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Reporters Without Borders, a press-freedom group based in France, recently described Than Shwe as a "notoriously paranoid general" who keeps himself virtually mummified from his own countrymen in the new capital, Naypyidaw, which his government built at great expense and moved to in late 2005. News reports indicate that the reclusive general seldom leaves his personal villa and rarely personally addresses the SPDC leadership.
Than Shwe "makes very few public appearances, and most Burmese have never heard him speak", the press-freedom group said in a statement. "His militaristic speeches, harshly attacking the pro-democracy opposition, are read for him on the government radio and TV, and are given prominence by all government media."
However, it's likely the local media would revise the tone and substance of their reports about the aging dictator should he happen to be overthrown by the popular movement now testing his hold on political power.
Wonder if our media would do the same in our case? Nah, sorry I even bothered to ask.