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Edited on Thu Jun-03-04 09:22 AM by Jack Rabbit
Plato's definition of a tyrant, given in The Republic, is one who is ruled by his passions rather than his reason; whether he lusts for wealth, sex or power, there is no trust or bond so sacred that it cannot be broken in order to satisfy his desires. That is Bush to a tee.
Faced with being force out of office, Bush should not be trusted to play by the rules. He has not played by them yet. One is not playing by any rules when voters are disenfranchised and cast ballots are not counted; one is not playing by any rules when one leads the nation into war based on a pack of lies.
Foul play is something for which we should be on guard. No one can assume that Bush won't try something outrageous if he has his back to the wall.
The best strategy is pre-emption. That doesn't mean stage a military coup now before he can declare martial law; that means examine the possible pretexts he might use to declare martial law and, before his opportunity arises, make sure they are perceived by the public as invalid. It also means to make clear to Bush and those who would stand by him that we will not accept the canceling of the election, either before or after the fact.
The obvious point we need to make now is that Bush's war on terrorism is an abject failure. Osama bin Laden, through the al Qaida network, perpetrated the September 11 attacks. Osama and his lieutenants must be brought to justice and al Qaida must be destroyed. However, with the exception of the days and weeks following the attacks, Osama and al Qaida have not been the focus of the war on terror. Rather, Mr. Bush and his neoconservative aides have used the September 11 attacks to launch an invasion of a sovereign state with vast reserves of natural resources that had nothing to do with the attacks and posed no immediate threat. The invasion of Iraq was an irrelevant misadventure in the war on terror. The invasion of Iraq could not have alleviated any threat to the US or any other nation because Saddam, with his a markedly reduced military capability from the one he possessed twelve years earlier, was at worst a contained threat; the invasion of Iraq could not have possibly made America safer from Osama and al Qaida because Saddam's regime was unassociated with Osama and al Qaida.
The neoconservative propaganda leading up to the invasion was effective. Polls show that many Americans -- as many as three out of five -- still believe that Saddam possessed a biochemical arsenal that posed a threat to regional stability or that he aided al Qaida or even that he was a key figure in the September 11 attacks. All of those propositions are false. All that needs to be done to convince people that Iraq was a gross blunder for which the September 11 attacks were a false pretext is simply tell the truth. That doesn't seem like a very difficult thing to do. In addition, there is much evidence for making a case that the misconceptions about Saddam's arsenal and his ties to terrorists were not simple misjudgments but deliberate lies aimed at manipulating public opinion toward supporting a war that had been desired by its planners since long before September 11, 2001.
Mr. Bush led us to a war against a country that posed no threat while he ignored real threats. This isn't about ignoring al Qaida threats prior to September 11; even if the Bush administration had given al Qaida the attention it deserved, the notion that the attacks could have been prevented is problematic at best. This is about ignoring the threats after September 11. Instead of going after Osama and al Qaida, who threaten us, Mr. Bush ignored them and went after Saddam, who didn't.
In the meantime, al Qaida has recovered from any damage inflicted during the invasion of Afghanistan and has staged a number of strikes since Mr. Bush declared major hostilities in this falsely claimed "central front in the war on terror" to have ended. Now we are being told that there is the real possibility of terrorist strikes this summer. This does not suggest that any real progress has been made against terrorists. Any further terrorist strikes against America or anywhere else, indeed, even the admission that such strikes are a real possibility, are not reasons to rally behind Mr. Bush's leadership but reasons to reject it.
And reject it we should.
A second front in any pre-emptive strategy against Bush would concern any attempt to impose martial law or cancel the 2004 elections. Any terrorist strike might justify a temporary imposition of martial law in the immediate area in which it occurs. It should be noted that ab election was scheduled in New York City on September 11, 2001; the vote was postponed, but not permanently canceled. Any attempt to impose extraordinary measures beyond that must be seen as tyranny and illegitimate; we must make clear that we will not stand for it. Should the tyrant attempt to remain in power by force after January 20, 2005, either against the will of the voters or after preventing the voters from speaking, we must be prepared to engage in massive civil disobedience aimed at removing Bush from power.
However, it probably won't go that far. To pull a stunt like that, a tyrant would need the active support of the military. Bush shouldn't count on having it. Nevertheless, by bringing it up now, we might make it more likely that he won't have it.
As for war crimes, I believe that Bush and his aides, as well as British Prime Minster Blair, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw and Defense Minister Geoff Hoon should be made to answer for their actions in Iraq. In addition, Mr. Bush and his aides should be made to answer for their efforts to circumvent the Third and Fourth Geneva Conventions concerning the treatment of prisoners of war and other protected persons detained in combat zones. Right now, I doubt there would be much support for that. Nevertheless, it is a possibility that should be discussed. This would preferably be done in US and British courts, but if the home country of war crimes suspects prove unable or unwilling to prosecute, then an international tribunal should be convened. In spite of US rejection of the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court, there are ways under the Statute that Bush and his aides could be brought before the ICC. As a supporter of the Rome Statute, I will admit that the schadenfreude I would experience over the sight of Bush and other neoconservative thugs standing before the ICC in The Hague will be particularly sweet.
However, first things first. The first thing we must do is rid ourselves of the tyrant and his aides. We need to make sure the election is held and that the election is free and fair; we need to win the election; and we need to make certain that the results of the election are respected.
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