Religious voting blocs in the 1992 election: the year of the evangelical

[hnsez]

Anyone Who Wants to Run in 06 & 08 Better Read This First

Sociology of Religion, Fall, 1994 by Lyman A. Kellstedt, John C. Green, James L. Guth, Corwin E. Smidt

At this juncture, the Christian Right has far more raw political resources than the "secular left," but the latter campaigns with media and educational elites on its side. Intense conflict over cultural issues could well push elements of other traditions toward such an alignment, but for the new divide to become dominant, it must reach beyond cultural questions to include economic matters as well. In 1992 only among evangelicals and seculars did we observe consistent conservatism and liberalism on both kinds of issues, and some evangelical activists, at least, believe that such a broader agenda is necessary and possible (Seib 1993). Given their new-found political unity and their strong institutional base, evangelicals are the logical place to look for expansion of the "culture war" to other fronts.

Thus, the dominant interpretive theme of 1992, "It's the economy, stupid" (attributed to Clinton adviser James Carville), fails to capture the full significance of that contest. What we see is the first rumblings of an electoral culture war. In one sense, 1992 may be remembered as the "Year of the Evangelical," in which activists mounted impressive grassroots campaigns among an Evangelical public more receptive than ever. It is safe to predict that this mobilization will continue or even intensify in future local, state, and national elections. By the same token, however, 1992 could be characterized as the "Year of the Secular," reflecting the growing importance of this often-underestimated bloc of predominantly liberal voters. The new role of evangelicals and seculars as the cultural cores of the Republican and Democratic parties, respectively, puts them in key positions to shape the ideological contours of those parties. Ironically, mainline Protestants and Catholics, long the centerpieces of the Republican and Democratic party coalitions, are now "swing" constituencies, in many instances most responsive to short-term economic conditions.

The 1992 election indeed resulted in significant changes in the religious traditions that have been the backbone of party coalitions for most of American history. At present such alignments still structure party politics and are quite potent even when economic issues come to the fore. They are likely to be even more important during times of peace and prosperity, perhaps evolving into a more comprehensive religious alignment. For good or ill, observers cannot afford to ignore the role of religion in politics.

read more... http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0SOR/is_n3_v55/ai_15729265

[fearnobush]

1. Despite the fact that it was stolen, I've always believed we need

to bring out our Christian Left. No one paid any attention to liberal leaders of faith this go around.

[The Zanti Regent]

2. Where are they?

I don't see any. All I see in Los Angeles are a bunch of right wing bible thumping bigots.