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Edited on Mon Jun-20-05 01:34 PM by Jack Rabbit
EDITED for clarity
1. He should have said that he needed to finish his dad's job (and clean up his mess) and get rid of the tyrant we let stay in power to murder his own people. This is the humanitarian -- yes, liberal -- justification for war that is harder to argue against, harder to undercut.
As the British knew and as the Downing Street documents confirm they knew, desire for regime change is not by itself a justification for war. Unless Saddam could be shown to be a threat (he wasn't) or if there was authorization from the Security Council for the use of force in order to enforce prior UN resolutions directing Saddam to disarm (Resolution 1441 was insufficient for this purpose), then there was no case for war.
If this is a valid justification for war under any liberal doctrine, then I am not a liberal. Maybe I'm not; I've been calling myself a progressive for years. War is a last resort. Any person of goodwill should strive, above all, to prevent a humanitarian disaster. The invasion of Iraq has precipitated one.
In any case, while the argument that Mr. Jarvis proposes may have made it easier to sell the war even then and would be more difficult to undercut now, it would not change the facts as they currently exist: the US is in a quagmire because, regardless of what the stated reasons given for the invasion were or could have been, the real reason was to transfer Iraq's wealth to western concerns; it was colonial piracy, pure and simple. Different insurgents have different motivations, but many are motivated by a simple desire to expel a colonial force from their country.
2. After 9/11, he should have said he'd follow the Tom Friedman doctrine (and blame him for it): We have to find a foothold for democracy in the Middle East and why not Iraq?
Friedman embraced the "let's democratize the Middle East" line.
Friedman presented better reasons for invading Iraq than Bush did, but they were still insufficient. This was the war that G. W. Bush wanted, not the one that Friedman thought it should be.
Bush has undermined democracy in America by stealing elections, curtailing civil liberties, subverting constitutional checks and balances and setting up an opaque decision-making process. He has winked and nodded at corporate corruption by his friends in the private sector and at conflict of interest by his subordinates. Bush believes in neither democracy nor the rule of law. It is ludicrous to think that he will promote these principles overseas while subverting them at home.
Consequently, even laying aside the objection that desire for regime change by itself does not justify war, instead of supporting Bush in his war effort, Friedman should have opposed any such action until Bush was safely out of office. After all, Saddam was no immediate threat and, therefore, there was no hurry to remove him from power.
In addition to this, while Bush's use of the word democracy is downright Orwellian, Friedman's is a bit twisted as well. Although Friedman is not a dyed-in-the-wool neoconservative, he is a dyed-in-the-wool neoliberal who confuses democracy with global free market capitalism. They are not the same thing and are in many respects antithetical. However, that's a digression that can be discussed elsewhere.
3. He should have said that we were going to engage terrorists on their turf instead of ours. That's not to say that the 9/11 terrorists were connected to Iraq, but in the Middle East, you turn over any rock and you'll find terrorists underneath. That has been the real truth of the Iraq war: Coming there to fight us and bomb Iraqis is a regular terrorist tourist industry.
There were no terrorists in Iraq threatening us at that time. Even now, the only reason Zarqawi can kill Americans is because they're in Iraq. That's the only place he is capable of operating.
Meanwhile, while Bush was invading Iraq for reasons that had nothing to do with terror, democracy or whatever other excuse he gave, al Qaida regrouped in Afghanistan.
Invading Iraq was a terrible way to use military resources.
4. When we took Baghdad, he should have gone on that aircraft carrier not to declare victory but instead to warn of the long, hard, dangerous, costly war ahead. The war wasn't over. it was just beginning. He should have managed expectations.
More candor from Bush (figure the odds!) would have gone a long ways in the neoconservative cause, but Americans have no desire for a long, hard, dangerous and costly war. It would still be an unnecessary war.
Taking these arguments altogether, Mr. Jarvis fails to convince. The bottom line is still that Iraq was not a threat and thus there was no hurry to do anything so soon; Afghanistan, where al Qaida could regroup, was a more important priority. If the goal was to oust Saddam and replace him with a popular government, then a direct military invasion would not have worked as well as sponsoring subversion by Iraqi nationalist groups that were willing to take up the battle. And, even after all that, the idea of trusting Bush to promote democracy is just ridiculous.
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