Blinded By Free Trade And Comparative Advantage Dogma
By Geepu Nah Tiepoh, The Perspective (Smyrna, Georgia),
Opinion, 26 July 2000
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/34/058.html<snip>
It is important for Greaves to realize that we do not need to be taught the virtues of comparative advantage and free trade, for it is common knowledge that nations must engage in some form of international exchange of goods, services, and capital investments. Therefore, what is being questioned is not the principle of international trade and investment as such, but the systemic inequalities underlying the global economic system as well as those ideological tools that are used to perpetuate them. Unfortunately, certain individuals have succumbed to these ideological stratagems and therefore find nothing wrong with the current system of international trade and investment. For them, the global economy is operating perfectly, as predicted by the neo-classical theories of comparative advantage and free trade. Such a conclusion is false, however. And while it is unworthy to be dragged into the ceaseless debates about the virtues of economic liberalism, there are few points that have to be made here to let our critic know that, contrary to his deep-seated convictions, the world trading system is not as smooth as predicted by the nineteenth-century theories of comparative advantage and free trade. It is important to make these points since his argument is that these theories are the true determinants of the pattern of international trade and therefore Liberia must conform to them. And afterwards, I will adapt the discussion to the specific issue of the appropriateness of rice self- sufficiency, since this is what Greaves is anxious to talk about.
To begin with, it is worth remembering that Adam Smith, David Ricardo and their neo-classical successors invented their theories of free trade long after the British had established their industrial predominance. As noted by Theresa Hayter (1985), in the early days of British industrialization, industrialists sought and obtained ample protection for their 'infant' industries against foreign competition.
The British not only protected their own industries from foreign competition but also destroyed those of other countries. Thus, the fact that Portugal focused on wine production had nothing to do with the natural workings of comparative advantage. Such was imposed by the British government through the Methuen Treaty of 1703 (Hayter, 1985). Our critic seems not to also understand that the current pattern of international trade, in which most African countries are producers and traders of primary commodities, has less to do with the natural workings of the market. Part of this international division of labor and pattern of trade was established through the imposition of slavery, colonialism, and neo-colonial economic relations. Is he not aware of the colonial destruction of Africa's textile industries (Rodney, 1974), or is he blind to the rubber plantation history of our own country? These are relevant points to remember because individuals, like Greaves, are insisting on converting us to the false belief that nations have 'natural' destinies to produce and trade in different goods, and thus, for example, a country like Britain was naturally destined to produce industrial products, while Liberia was destined to trade in non-industrial products. They want us to believe, for example, that it is the natural destiny of Thailand, Vietnam and Louisiana to produce rice, while it is the destiny of Liberia to produce rubber, cocoa or coffee or some other crop.
The theory of comparative advantage, romanticized so much by our critic, and which is supposed to be the theoretical foundation of international trade, has long been contradicted by real-life global economic situations. For instance, the Heckscher-Ohlin Model, which is the expanded version of the original Ricardian theory of comparative advantage, was found to be incapable of explaining United States' pattern of trade. In his famous Leontief paradox, the 1973 Nobel Prize winner Wassily Leontief provided strong evidence that although the US was the more capital-abundant country (with higher capital-labor ratios), long before Western Europe and Japan started catching up, it was not exporting capital-intensive goods and importing labor-intensive goods. Such a finding was in sharp contrast to the comparative advantage theory that a country should produce and export those goods that are intensive in the factors with which the country is relatively well endowed. This empirical evidence is mentioned here to underline the widely known fact that most of the theories of comparative advantage and free trade, being so much romanticized, are not as absolutely realistic as some believe. If these theories were the true determinants of global economic realities, then there would be greater international economic welfare and harmony among nations. But this is not the case, except in Mr. Greaves' wonderland.
The Ricardian theory of comparative costs, or relative advantage, asserts that free trade makes countries to specialize in those economic sectors where they have a relative advantage. This specialization, in turn, leads to expansion of international trade, resulting in increased global economic welfare. But, as Yoichi (1992) correctly argued, what the enforcement of this theory has caused, at least in the last 30 years, cannot be regarded as greater international economic welfare. According to this theory, for example, Japan was supposed to specialize in those industries in which it enjoyed a relative advantage. The pursuit of this specialization, however, resulted in a chronic trade surplus between her and the United States, which has been the source of persisting economic and international friction between the two countries. The US transformed agriculture into an export industry, resulting in a worldwide surplus of farm products, which precipitated a grain war with the European Community. Moreover, this ceaseless pursuance of comparative advantage has led to the excessive availability to international trade of primary commodities, contributing to a worldwide destruction of the natural environment.
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