APPELLEES’ SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF argues:
V. CONCLUSION
It is one thing to conclude the Second Amendment was intended to create a constitutional barrier so that the federal government, which is denied the power to regulate in the interests of the public health and safety, cannot disarm citizens who wish to have a firearm in the home because they believe it is useful for self defense. It is quite another to conclude that individual firearms possession for personal self-defense is a right fundamental to the American scheme of liberty and justice. Our English ancestors did not enjoy any such fundamental right because Article 7, the right to have arms under the English Bill of Rights, was a qualified right (by class, religion and other factors), and was not enforceable against Parliament. There is also no evidence that there is, or ever has been, any consensus in this country that individual possession of firearms for personal self-defense is a fundamental right. It is a minority position.
But SCOTUS said in
Heller:
By the time of the founding, the right to have arms had become fundamental for English subjects. See Malcolm 122–134. Blackstone, whose works, we have said, “constituted the preeminent authority on English law for the founding generation,” Alden v. Maine, 527 U. S. 706, 715 (1999), cited the arms provision of the Bill of Rights as one of the fundamental rights of Englishmen. See 1 Black-stone 136, 139–140 (1765). His description of it cannot possibly be thought to tie it to militia or military service. It was, he said, “the natural right of resistance and self-preservation,” id., at 139, and “the right of having and using arms for self-preservation and defence,” id., at 140; see also 3 id., at 2–4 (1768). Other contemporary authorities concurred. See G. Sharp, Tracts, Concerning the Ancient and Only True Legal Means of National Defence, by a Free Militia 17–18, 27 (3d ed. 1782); 2 J. de Lolme, The Rise and Progress of the English Constitution 886–887 (1784) (A. Stephens ed. 1838); W. Blizard, Desultory Reflections on Police 59–60 (1785). Thus, the right secured in 1689 as a result of the Stuarts’ abuses was by the time of the founding understood to be an individual right protecting against both public and private violence.