I've made this argument before. Let's start be defining two terms. First,
democracy is a state where:
- Citizenship is universal. Each person born within the boundaries of the state is a citizen, as is one born abroad to at least one citizen parent or who swears allegiance to the state in a rite of naturalization.
- Citizenship is equal. Each citizen has an equal opportunity to participate in and influence public affairs. Every adult citizen shall be enfranchised with the right to vote. Decisions are made by a majority voted based on the principle of one man/one vote..
- Citizenship is inalienable. A guaranteed set of civil liberties is in place to assure full and open public discourse of civic affairs. No citizen may be stripped of his citizenship or punished in any way by the state for expressing any point of view, no matter how unpopular or wrongheaded.
Next we have the definition of
Israel. Specifically, we are taking about Israel's borders. If we define Israel's borders as being the Green Line, then Israel passes the democracy test. There is discrimination against Israel's citizens of Arab ancestry, some of it even official. However, these problems are not insurmountable and could be fixed without having to resort to a radical upheaval of society.
On the other hand, if we define Israel as encompassing the Palestinian Territories as well as what is inside the Green Line, then Israel fails the democracy test. In the territories, there is a split level of citizenship: Israeli Jews have the rights of citizens; Palestinians do not. The Israeli state may confiscate land from Palestinians and allow Israeli Jews to purchase it and build housing on the confiscated real estate on which Palestinians may not live. These settlements are accessed on roads on which Palestinians may not travel. The Prime Minister provides security for the Israeli settlements, but tells Palestinian farmers he cannot guarantee their safety from Israelis settlers harassing them as they harvest their olives or from vandalism. This is a system that resembles South African
apartheid in many ways. It is by no stretch of the imagination democratic.
For most people, Israel's borders are at the Green Line or at least near it. The West Bank and Gaza were not controlled by Israel until it was overrun in the 1967 war and not considered to be part of Israel by anyone until Prime Minister Menachem Begin declared the territories to be an integral part of Israel in 1977; even after that declaration, which was never even considered by the Knesset, few beyond Begin's right wing supporters in Israel considered that territory Israel. Thus, Israel's borders are at the Green Line and the settlement policy resulting from Begin's declaration is an attempt to impose unequally Israeli law in the territories. Apart from the law being applied unequally in the territories, Palestinians were not asked about Begin's
de facto annexation by decree. They undoubtedly would have opposed it if they were allowed to vote on it in a referendum. In short, there rights were ignored from the start. Moreover, there is no one who is so foolish as to even seriously suggest that Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza would choose to be Israeli citizens, unless to do so would undermine the Jewish state. The territories are not part of Israel. The land is occupied and the residents are resisting that occupation.
Since international law is the question addressed by this thread, we will lay aside the question of whether by settling the occupied territory in this way Israel is in violation of Article 49, paragraph 6 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Rather, we will go to Israel's rationale for this abrogation of democratic principle in the occupied territories.
The Israelis and their supporters who frequent this board claim that the undemocratic measures in the territories exist for the purpose of security. They point out that Palestinians are resisting Israeli occupation and using violent means, even terrorism, to do so. It is certainly true that Palestinians support a resistance movement and that terrorism is a major tactic of resistance fighters. They point to terrorist attacks inside Israel itself, as well on on settlers in the occupied territories. Israel's supporters argue that the security measures, while undemocratic, are necessary to prevent terrorist attacks.
However, it can be countered that the settlements are not about security; they are about territorial expansion. Transferring parts of the occupying power's population into occupied territory where the resistance fighters reside and enjoy popular support does not seem to be a way of enhancing the security of Israeli citizens. The segregated roads and checkpoints between Palestinian towns do not prevent attacks against Israeli citizens in Israel; they protect settlers living beyond Israel's borders.
Moreover, if Israel were interested in protecting her citizens from attacks by Palestinian terrorists, she would withdraw those Israeli citizens living in outlaying areas beyond Israel to a defensive perimeter where they can be protected. In short, Israel would dismantle settlements and fortify the border. Instead, up to now, Israel has expanded settlement growth. In light of that, it is difficult to defend denying Palestinians the right to travel freely in the occupied territories on the grounds of security.
The building of the Wall may change that strategy and herald a more sensible defensive posture. Outlaying settlements will be removed and the Wall will be a fortified barrier behind which Israeli citizens will be safe.
The Israelis have a right and a good reason to build a Wall. The only question is whether the Wall is being constructed in a way that minimizes the inconvenience to residents of occupied territory and consistent with claims that it is for Israel's security or whether it is being constructed to incorporate Palestinian land into Israel. The closer the Wall adheres to the Green Line, the better it will serve the purpose of protecting Israelis living inside of that boundary from terrorist attacks.