The Clinton Legacy
A return to Hooverite economic policies
By Edward S. Herman
Bill Clinton has been getting mixed reviews on his “legacy” in the mainstream media: commonly he is downgraded for regrettable personal defects that made him a poor role model and lowered the esteem of his high office; but he gets good marks for his domestic economic policies that have given us sustained prosperity, high marks for his foreign economic policies that have advanced “free trade,” and a fairly high grade for his other foreign policies. The only point on which I agree with this assessment is the first, although it is the least important and, of course, was used by the right wing to attack and weaken him by outrageous methods and for the wrong reasons.
Politics
A first important component of the Clinton legacy is his contribution to moving the political spectrum to the right. As soon as he hit office Clinton abandoned any serious populist agenda and policies that would “put people first” in favor of catering to the bond market and business generally. His strategy over his eight years was to preempt Republican positions on the social and military budgets, deficit reduction, welfare, crime, capital punishment, the drug war, trade, and foreign policy. This helped him keep business funds flowing his way, and it kept an important segment of the corporate media, along with many liberals and pundits, on his side, but it weakened the support of the abandoned “people.” This was important in helping the Gingrich Republicans win in 1994, and it set the stage for Bush in 2000. So we can even say that the Republican victories, with their attendant further shifts toward regressive economic and social policies, were part of the Clinton legacy.
It has been noted that the large number of black males excluded from voting in the 2000 presidential election by imprisonment or former felon status made a significant difference in the election outcome, arguably a blowback effect of Clinton’s hardline policies on crime and the drug war. Less noted is the fact that Nader might not have run at all if the Clinton policies had not represented a comprehensive sell-out of populist principles. That sell-out has been institutionalized, as Democratic National Council officials, policy-analysts, and policy-makers, several of whom have publicly criticized Gore for his brief and unconvincing foray into populist rhetoric during the campaign, are now firmly in charge of the Party and quite ready to accept the coup d’etat president and do business with him.
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