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I have harbored the notion that 2000 is what sets people on fire about this issue, but I have no direct proof of it, and in my experience, people claim they've always thought this or that way, and of course I can't prove them wrong on that either. My own circumstances placed me in the midst of a political brawl all through the 2000 election season, and I remember distinctly the feeling among many Gore supporters in my area, prior to the election, that Bush might get more popular votes, but Gore could win the EC, a feeling that was quickly followed by a "thank god for the EC" type of statement. (And apparently everyone has forgotten the reality that many Democrats were willing to accept this in 2004 as well. The fraud in Ohio *doesn't matter* of direct, popular election is the method of election. None of the rational models that account for the fraud give Kerry a clear majority in popular votes, and most in fact give Bush a greater popular number, losing only in the EC.) This then led off into discussions and arguments about 1992 and 1996. The direct election methodology, if used then, presents a whole new set of problems we've never faced on a national level and with which we are equally ill equipped to deal, just as we were ill equipped in 2000. Democrats all through the 90's found themselves defending the EC, and in the interest of disclosure, this is where I cut my teeth on the argument.
In short, I think a lot of this is wishful thinking about what might have been, which is understandable, but not very helpful with the task of offering real solutions to real problems. I agree, thoroughly, that the EC is fundamentally broken as it now exists, mostly, in my view, because of the methods most States use to choose electors.
As for the proportional scheme, you are quite correct in pointing out its potential problems as well, which is partly why in my original message in this thread I offered a scheme but noted the probable need for tweaking. Again using the example I used there, however, proportional allocation would have turned Oklahoma from a 100% Republican state in 1992 to at least 1/3 Democratic. Other states that are traditionally Democratic would have experienced the reverse of this to some degree, but I'm not sure, based on a casual examination of the numbers, that it is purely a wash. What proportion does is give voice to smaller sections of the country, and that's what I consider most important in something like this. Oklahoma is governed by Tulsa and OKC ... screw the rest. In a proportional scheme, this is not the case, and the possibility at least exists for encouraging more participation in the political process by offering evidence that your vote *does* count for something in SE Oklahoma, and that could definitely benefit Democrats as a side-bonus.
And, perhaps, in other areas the Republicans would benefit, but if we're serious about this issue of democracy, this is not necessarily a problem in and of itself.
Finally, I'll suggest that in a scheme such as I suggested (and of course it is by no means original with me) is the encouragement of participation of more voices than those sanctioned by the national party structure. This leads off into a tangent with its own arguments and problems, but to summarize, proportional allocation of voting power is the key to this.
But, this does bring us full circle. The powers-that-be don't want this at all, as you imply. Any thing that undermines the party structure is, at this point in history, doomed to obscurity.
Thank you, btw, for allowing me the opportunity to actually discuss this on reasonable terms.
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