:shrug:
From the 2008 campaign:
Mr. Edwards,
who reported this year that he had assets of nearly $30 million, came up with a novel solution, creating a nonprofit organization with the stated mission of fighting poverty. The organization, the Center for Promise and Opportunity, raised $1.3 million in 2005, and — unlike a sister charity he created to raise scholarship money for poor students — the main beneficiary of the center’s fund-raising was Mr. Edwards himself, tax filings show.
The organization became a big part of a shadow political apparatus for Mr. Edwards after his defeat as the Democratic vice presidential nominee in 2004 and before the start of his presidential bid this time around. Its officers were members of his political staff, and it helped pay for his nearly constant travel, including to early primary states.
While Mr. Edwards said the organization’s purpose was “making the eradication of poverty the cause of this generation,” its federal filings say it financed “retreats and seminars” with foreign policy experts on Iraq and national security issues.
Unlike the scholarship charity, donations to it were not tax deductible, and, significantly, it did not have to disclose its donors — as political action committees and other political fund-raising vehicles do — and there were no limits on the size of individual donations<>
But it was
his use of a tax-exempt organization to finance his travel and employ people connected to his past and current campaigns that went beyond what most other prospective candidates have done before pursuing national office. And according to experts on nonprofit foundations,
Edwards pushed at the boundaries of how far such organizations can venture into the political realm. Such entities, which are regulated under Section 501C-4 of the tax code, can engage in advocacy but cannot make partisan political activities their primary purpose without risking loss of their tax-exempt status.
Because the organization is not required to disclose its donors — and the campaign declined to do so
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Mr. Edwards depended for his activities in large part on donations from supporters. In addition to the two nonprofit organizations, he created a leadership political action committee and a 527 “soft money” organization that also shared the same name: the OneAmerica Committee.
These two committees each allowed donors to give more than the $2,300 per person limit in a presidential primary or general election, and, in some cases, to give in unlimited amounts. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/22/us/politics/22edwards.html?ex=1186718400&en=f8accf54c35ca2b8&ei=5070------------------------------------------------------
From the 2004 campaign.........
Several prominent law firms have bundled large numbers of contributions to Edwards' Senate and presidential campaigns and to New American Optimists, a political action committee Edwards set up to help other Democrats and further his own career.
• Girardi & Keese gave $387,875 to help Edwards. The firm is famous for representing a small California town in a suit against Pacific Gas & Electric, a case that was the basis for the Julia Roberts movie Erin Brockovich.
• Baron & Budd, a Dallas firm, has given $296,650 to Edwards since he went into politics. Partner Fred Baron, who raised money nationally for Edwards' presidential bid, is a former president of the Association of Trial Lawyers of America, which lobbies on behalf of plaintiffs' lawyers.
Within days after Edwards dropped out of the presidential race, he invited Baron and 150 of his top fundraisers to a reception in Washington, and arranged for the survivor of the primaries, Sen. John Kerry, to woo the crowd to raise money for his campaign.
In all, 16 of the top 20 career sources for Edwards' campaign money are law firms, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a non-partisan group that studies money in politics.
http://www.usatoday.com/news/politicselections/nation/president/2004-07-06-edwards-finances_x.htm