The conventional wisdom - and the view of even many Democrats - is that health care reform is dead. Personally, I think that view is
very premature and misinformed, but whether you agree or disagree, it's worth at least considering whether the conventional wisdom is right or wrong.
Obama's Health-Care Realism
His Flexible Tactics Match Reform to Political Reality
By Norman J. Ornstein
Tuesday, September 1, 2009
The conventional wisdom is that President Obama and Democratic congressional leaders are on the run, that we seem to be heading for a replay of 1994, when the Clinton health-care plan went down in flames. The conventional wisdom includes the refrain that the White House is too weak, too slow, too naive, and, in the words of respected health policy analyst Susan Dentzer, "they're panicked."
But having watched the lawmaking process in all its glory (and messiness) for 40 years, as well as having watched the meltdown of the Clinton health plan up close,
I am seeing from the administration signs of savvy, not weakness. While health reform is far from a done deal -- and could still be derailed by the lack of a vote to replace that of Sen. Ted Kennedy, an economic double dip or an international crisis -- the issue is actually on a fairly predictable path that fits both the realities of public opinion and politics in an age of sharp partisan and ideological conflict.
The Obama strategy since his election has been based on a gimlet-eyed and pragmatic assessment of the prospects and limits afforded by public opinion and the political process. A naive president would have assumed that, after a landslide victory, huge coattails, swollen partisan majorities and a high approval rating, he could have it all -- and pushed hard and early for a far-reaching, soup-to-nuts upheaval of the health-care system. Obama and his strategists understood that would not work.
On the public front, it was clear that there was no groundswell for broad change. There is public dissatisfaction with the health-care system, but it is framed most by the universal public definition of reform -- "I pay less." Without some guarantee that reform thus defined will be enacted for the vast majority of Americans, the likelihood has always been that the closer government gets to enacting change, the more nervous voters would get about embracing the devil they don't know. And the closer one gets to broad change affecting 16 percent of the economy and a hefty slice of the workforce, the more those whose incomes depend on the current system will fight to keep their share.
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How to prevail under these difficult circumstances? The only realistic way was to avoid a bill of particulars, to stay flexible, and to rely on congressional party and committee leaders in both houses to find the sweet spots to get bills through individual House and Senate obstacle courses. Under these circumstances, the best intervention from the White House is to help break impasses when they arise and, toward the end, the presidential bully pulpit and the president's political capital can help to seal the deal.
Link. Ornstein - who, despite his association with the noxious AEI, is actually a really good analyst of Congress (probably the best) with insights that are often well-informed correctives to the conventional wisdom - concludes that, despite the handwringing, health care reform is on track and likely to pass with a fairly robust bill.
I have some disagreements with the piece. I do think that Obama should have been firmer over what he wants to see in the bill. And I think that he should have had Max Baucus shut down his Gang of Six circus much earlier so that both the House and Senate could have passed bills by the recess.
Still, I think Ornstein makes several good points, to which I'd add a few. Number one, this was never going to be easy. One year ago, not a single person on this forum or elsewhere would have disagreed if you said that health care reform would be a massive battle in which Republicans and industry turned to opposition, center-right Democrats in Congress got cold feet, public approval slid, and the potential for failure was high. Yet now all those things are happening just as predicted and people are acting as if this is some major surprise. Whether Obama is ultimately correct or not in his strategy, there is a theory behind his actions that is fairly well-founded. And regardless of process, health care reform in this country is extremely difficult: every prior attempt at getting universal health care failed. Moreover, this effort has already gotten farther than any other comprehensive health care reform proposal in U.S. history. Never before has even a single congressional committee passed a comprehensive health care bill. Never before has it ever had the votes to pass even a single House of Congress.
Let's fight our hardest for the best bill and also be a little patient.