|
Edited on Thu Apr-27-06 11:29 AM by Czolgosz
Rick Perry's hardest core Republican base is about 36% (he's polled as low as 36% in election polling and his approval rating has dipped to 38% a few times).
If Perry performs as poorly as expected by many in the election, which seems likely in light of his poor overall job performance and the fact that his revenue raising and school under-financing schemes are likely to alienate some of those who might otherwise support him without winning him many votes, his number could easily be as low as 36% (or even lower in the event of some unforeseen event diminishing his approval rating or if c4n3p makes the ballot and pulls an unexpectedly large number of hard core Republicans, which is possible because c4n3p polls very well among Republican-leaning women and Perry has previously done surprisingly well among such Republican-leaning women which is a constituency which prioritizes school financing as an issue and so may be predisposed to blame Perry for his school financing fiasco).
Bell will certainly improve on Gary Mauro's 31% but he probably cannot improve upon Sanchez's 40% in a three- or four-way race (he'd get some anti-incumbent votes in a two-way race which might lift him about 40% but I don't think it would lift him over 50% in a two-way race). If we assume that Bell starts off with 90% of Sanchez's vote (allowing for a 10% net loss due to the fact that there will likely be Kinky or c4n3p or both on the ballot), he's at 36%.
In a two-way race, with Perry and Bell with each starting at a 36% base (which is a worst-case scenario for Perry and a middle-of-the-range case scenario for Bell), the majority of the remaining 28% is Republican-leaning independents and ticket-splitting weak Republicans. Barring some unforeseen calamity, Perry likely wins a majority of this remaining 28% in a two-way race.
In a three-way race with c4n3p, she has strong appeal among that moderate Republican-leaning 28% (and her inclusion in the race may be a necessary part of the worst-case scenario to get Perry's base from about 38% to 36%). If Bell can (1) position himself as the number one challenger to Perry and (2) hold his Democratic base from shifting to c4n3p, we could see an election like this:
Bell - 37% Perry - 36% c4n3p - 27%
(Actually, the smaller third-party candidates -- Green, Libertarian, etc. -- will probably garner about 2% so these percentages are with respect to the 98% of the vote that is not spent on a minor third parties. All the other projections are also discussing the break down of the 98% of the non-minor-third-party vote, and where I refer to a two-, three-, or four-way races, I am not counting these minor third parties).
In a three-way race with Kinky, it's hard to predict the outcome because he is currently drawing his strongest support from progressive voters, but if Kinky gets on the ballot, those progressive voters will presumably eventually learn that Kinky is not progressive on issues other than bio-diesel and animal rights (plus the death penalty and reproductive rights if you believe his recent flip-flops on these two issues and disregard his express statements on his website that say Kinky is "not pro-choice" and "not anti-death penalty"). Unless this education-of-progressive-voters process is accomplished, Kinky will Nader Bell's candidacy and assure Perry's reelection in a three-way race. If the education process is successful, it will be difficult to identify who will remain in support of Kinky (other than those who never learn what ridiculous positions he advocates or don't care what positions he advocates because their vote is a protest vote).
In a four-way race with c4n3p and Kinky, it's again hard to predict because it is unclear whether progressive voters will remain predisposed to vote for an "independent" candidate who previously ran for office as a Republican and who voted for Bush/Cheney in 2004 and who lied about voting for progressive candidates in the past and who proposes (1) contradictory positions on important progressive issues, (2) vague criticisms without detailed alternative solutions on other important issues, (3) a crazy far-right-wing immigration policy, and (4) a partially privatized education system that would install school prayer and (some unidentified religion's version of) the Ten Commandments into the public school classrooms.
It's hard for me to see Perry going more than 2% or 3% below 36% even in a four-way race, and if that's where Perry's ultimate floor lies, it's difficult to divide the nearly two thirds of the anti-Perry vote by three in a way that any of the Perry-alternatives beat Perry. For example, assume that Perry can be diminished to 34% in a four-way race and the anti-Perry vote is split evenly (which it won't be, but assume it will be for the purposes of this hypothetical):
Perry - 34% Bell - 22% c4n3p - 22% Kinky - 22%
To beat Perry even with Perry drawing only 34% of the vote, one of the three anti-Perry candidates will need to get at least 12% better than a mere third of the anti-Perry vote, and this 12% would have to come from the other two anti-Perry candidates. Thus, for any of the anti-Perry candidates to win, at least one -- if not two -- of the anti-Perry candidates has to crater so that candidate's support can coalesce around another anti-Perry candidate (and if no anti-Perry candidate's candidacy craters, Perry wins because the anti-Perry vote cannot be split three ways and still be sufficiently large for one of those anti-Perry candidates to beat the Perry vote). Because Bell is the candidate of the Democratic party, neither Kinky nor c4n3p is likely to drive life-long Democrats away from his candidacy so there is no likely scenario where Bell is the candidate who craters sufficiently to enable either of the other anti-Perry candidates to beat Perry. If c4n3p's candidacy is the one that craters, a number of her supporters are ticket-splitting Republicans who may likely support Perry if c4n3p is not a viable option so there is no likely scenario where c4n3p's candidacy is the one that craters in a manner that allows one of the other anti-Perry candidates to win.
The only conclusion is that Kinky's candidacy must crater or Perry will be re-elected. I see no other likely alternative.
|