Those of us in the election fraud research and election integrity branch of the Voting Rights movement need to realize that it started out about race and ethnicity, was about race and ethnicity, and will continue to be that way. Look at Ohio 2006 primary: where did the problems take place, predominantly, Clevelad! AN URGAN AREA populated by black Americans who vote Democratic in large numbers. It’s all about voter suppression. We have to keep that in mind. The machines, etc. are used to SUPPRESS VOTES,. Whose votes? You got it.
Voting rights and election fraud are incompatible.
"The ERD" -- The Gold Standard in voting rights news. Voting Rights in North Carolina, 1982-2006
http://renewthevra.civilrights.org/resources/details.cfm?id=43022May 9, 2006
Anita S. Earls, Emily Wynes, and LeeAnne Quatrucci
RenewTheVRA.org
Introduction to the Voting Rights Act
North Carolina's experience since the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act in 1982 has been a mixed one of slow progress, setbacks and new challenges. Only 40 of the state's 100 counties are covered by Section 5 of the Act, resulting in greater protections for some areas of the state. While many of the gains in minority representation at all levels have come about as the result of litigation under Section 2 of the Act, Section 5 has arguably had the greatest impact in the state because numerous objections have prevented the implementation of election changes that would have made it harder for black voters to participate in elections. Indeed, the ability of Section 5 preclearance to protect and thereby reinforce Section 2 gains has been an important part of the minority voting rights story in North Carolina.
Of the counties that are covered, most are rural counties in the eastern part of the state. Indeed, North Carolina's two largest cities, Charlotte and Raleigh, are not in covered counties. Durham and Winston-Salem are also not covered. Thus, it is remarkable that even though so few of the state's citizens are covered by Section 5, there have been forty-five objection letters issued since 1982 relating to an even greater number of changes in voting practices and procedures. Of those 45 objection letters, ten involved multi-county or statewide changes, including state redistricting plans, changes relating to the election of judges, and proposed delays in implementing mail-in registration procedures.
There are ten instances of North Carolina Section 5 submissions being withdrawn from consideration since 1982 - five of them since 2000. This is a strong indication of the beneficial effect of Section 5 review short of the Department of Justice issuing a formal objection. In at least one instance, the submission related to subsequent attempts by a local jurisdiction to modify an election method that had been put in place following litigation under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. The Department of Justice, by raising questions about the proposed change, was able to prevent the dismantling of a system that gave minority voters an opportunity to elect candidates of their choice and, thereby, preserved the gains obtained through earlier litigation, without the need for the original plaintiffs to return to court.
It is also clear from recent testimony by local activists that election officials in covered jurisdictions do consult with representatives of the local NAACP or other African-American leaders in the community before changing polling places or making other election-related changes. Motivated by the fact that any change will be reviewed in Washington, local officials are more conscious of the impact that such changes may have on the ability of black voters to participate in elections. Although prior to 1982 there was significant non-compliance with Section 5's preclearance requirement, local election officials in the covered counties are now generally in favor of keeping the process in place.