A message on the Democrats' message to Carville and other pundits

[ProSense]

Saying this is just another knock down for Democrats and it's completely false. After all of them claiming it was war (really fear), moral values, blah blah blah, now that Bush is a complete failure, it's Kerry's message why he lost the election? And that is now being applied to the entire Party?

Snip...

MR. RUSSERT: Who’s best equipped to conduct the war on terror and they decided to continue with George Bush rather than change for John Kerry.

MR. CARVILLE: There’s extensive evidence that that’s really not—the reason that they did not vote for Kerry is, is not because they thought he was too liberal or they thought he wouldn’t protect America. It was they were more concerned it looked like his stance were one way and another and were not definitive.

That is the price that you pay if you don’t have a central unified message. You get J-HOSED because you allow them to define you. But I checked on our polling on the way over here this morning and it is absolutely true that the reason that the biggest doubts about Kerry were not that he wouldn’t protect America—he was too liberal—but that he was too wobbly. And that’s what we do in this book, Tim, is it’s not the same prescription. A prescription for Democrats always is, “are we too liberal or where do we adjust ourselves on the ideological scale?”

As Paul said, we believe the problem is anatomical, not ideological. There’s no reason that if you’re for an increase in the minimum wage that you have to be for gun control. I mean, that’s a typical ideological approach and that’s the kind of stuff that we argue against. I think we argue very, very hard and I just keep pounding the table on this energy independence thing. I mean, Tom Frieden’s...(unintelligible)...absolutely right about that. And I don’t know why the Democrats don’t take it up.

MR. RUSSERT: In fact, let me quote exactly again from the book on that subject of transplant. “Democrats have failed on the basics, defining their message, attacking their opponents, defending their leaders, inspiring their voters. The problem with the Democratic Party isn’t—is not ideological, it’s anatomical. We lack a backbone. Consider this book an attempt at a spinal transplant.”

You agree with that, Mary?

MS. MATALIN: Well, there waffly because they’re not on—they have no firm ground to stand on. There is no Democratic foreign policy, there is no Democratic security policy, there is no Democratic economic policy, there is no Democratic energy policy. Bush has laid out policies on all those things. You can disagree with him, you can debate on them, but this is not about attacking him or Kerry’s medals. It’s about putting out some policies. So if they’re waffling, put something out there and we’ll debate on it.

MR. RUSSERT: Do you think Senator Clinton’s position on the war in Iraq’s been clear, unambiguous, firm?

MR. CARVILLE: Yeah, I think so. I think she supported the resolution, she did not support kicking the U.N. inspectors out when they were there, and she’s, you know, trying to get some kind of a solution that works. She’s one of 40 Democrats that said it was time to put Iraq on a timetable. Look, it’s a very difficult thing that we’re going through in Iraq, you know, I suspect that this president’s going to start pulling troops back, and they’re going to do exactly the same thing that the Democrats that they’re accusing the Democrats of urging them to do.


http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/10909406/

No agenda?


The Democrats' strategy helped them win in 2005. They will take control of the government in 2006. Read all about the Democrats below.

On Iraq (withdrawal), a collection here:

http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=104x5443422

http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=show_topic&forum=132&topic_id=2305360


Rest of the agenda:

http://www.democrats.org/agenda.html

http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=show_topic&forum=132&topic_id=2314399


Senate
http://democrats.senate.gov/issues.html

http://democrats.senate.gov/senators.html (find out about local issues at each members website)


House
http://democraticleader.house.gov/issues /

http://democrats.house.gov/about/member_pages.cfm (find out about local issues at each members website)

Check out the members campaign sites too, even the aspiring members sites feature an issues page.



I know they ran that “no message” line right after the election, but all of these pundits were stunned and dumbfounded after the debates, forced to admit that Kerry not only won them and got his message came across loud and clear.

The Message

The other fallacy is that Senator Kerry’s message didn’t resonate with the electorate. Again, 59 million people heeded Senator Kerry’s message. My contention is those who did had to rely on the Internet, alternative media and grassroots efforts for an accurate account of Senator Kerry’s message.

Many people did relied on the so called “trusted” mainstream media for objective analysis and coverage of the candidates, but that did not exists.

Here are the messages Senator Kerry repeatedly put forth (and even Republicans agree they hit home)

Frank Luntz Republican Playbook -- Searchable Text-Version:
PART IX "AN ENERGY POLICY FOR THE 2lst CENTURY"
By Tom Ball
03/06/05

1) Make it about Energy Self-Sufficiency and Independence. The energy debate is ripe for partisan picking and the Democrats were smart to use it during their convention. Americans want to hear about solutions to foreign energy dependency and are desperate for big ideas and bold solutions. Energy policy is now a public priority and Democrats put themselves on the side of the future. Americans loathe the idea of being reliant on the Middle East for our energy needs and they were waiting for someone to tell them so. This was John Kerry’s single best line at the convention, and it continues to resonate even today:

PAGE 133 ---

DEMOCRAT WORDS THAT WORK

I want an America that relies on its own ingenuity and innovation -- not the Saudi royal family. Our energy plan for a stronger America will invest in new technologies and alternative fuels and the cars of the future -- so that no young American in uniform will ever be held hostage to our dependence on oil from the Middle East.

Americans are evenly and bitterly divided about an assortment of political issues, but nearly all of them agree that our nation s’ current energy policy is behind-the-times and needs a new, 21st Century approach. Right now, the Democrats are exhibiting perfect pitch when it comes to their energy message. They understand that if you play on American fears towards OPEC, Saudi Arabia and the Middle East, while also appealing to American ideals of invention and innovation, they will have a compelling message. But fortunately for Republicans, the Democratic message does not match their policy. If the GOP wants to gain the advantage you need to match the optimism of the Democrats message -- and that begins with a clear statement that the status quo is unacceptable.


http://www.politicalstrategy.org/archives/001207.php#1207

The pundit’s response to Kerry’s Convention speech:

The pundits on Kerry: He nailed it
The same mainstream talking heads who trashed Gore give Kerry strong notices, and even right-wingers hold their tongues.
- - - - - - - - - - - -
By Eric Boehlert
July 29, 2004 | If Sen. John Kerry's acceptance speech were the opening night of a Broadway production, it would be doing robust box office business Friday morning. The same talking heads who seemed openly skeptical of the Democratic presidential nominee for much of this week gave his speech strongly positive notices.

On a scale of 1 to 10, ABC's George Stephanopoulos gave Kerry's speech an 8 "as written," and a "7.5 as delivered."

"Face the Nation" host Bob Schieffer said Kerry had "done about as well as he could do to set the stage for what's ahead."



NBC's Tim Russert credited Kerry for opening himself up during the address. "He gave more of himself than I've ever seen before." He added that Democratic delegates "have seen a candidate who's willing to take the battle to George Bush. Democrats heard what they needed to hear; it's on, full charge ahead."

Time magazine's Joe Klein told CNN Kerry "nailed it" and that he'd "never seen the man speak so well."

Meanwhile, Newsweek's Howard Fineman, appearing on MSNBC, said Kerry "has established the point he's a fighter, a war hero and a real guy. Now it's up to Bush to tear him down."

Some observers might suggest all those pundits have Democratic leanings to begin with, so their praise doesn't mean much. But they were precisely the type of commentators who routinely ridiculed Al Gore's campaign throughout the 2000 race, so the shift is worth noting.

The post-speech analysis got off to a comical start on CNN, when the news channel inadvertently broadcast frantic comments from a Democratic producer in a rage that more balloons were not dropping from the ceiling of the Fleet Center: ""More balloons! We need all of them coming down! All balloons! Balloons? What's happening, balloons? There's not enough coming down. All balloons! Where the hell -- there's nothing falling! What the fuck are you guys doing up there?"

No word yet if any FCC action will be taken against CNN.

Over at MSNBC, Republican pollster Frank Luntz conducted a focus group of 24 voters and found four who voted for Bush in 2000 and, after seeing Kerry, said they would vote for the Democrat in the fall. Luntz suggested Kerry would not see as big a post-convention bounce as Gore did in 2000, and thanks to the convention's relentless focus on military toughness, insisted that "national security is now a positive for this Democratic candidate." (Over on CNN, Washington Post reporter Terry Neal mentioned that a Zogby poll taken right before Kerry's speech indicated Kerry had already picked up a five-point bounce from the week's activities.)

Conservative pundits were notably restrained in critiquing Kerry's address. MSNBC host and former Republican congressman Joe Scarborough critiqued Kerry's style, saying his speech had the "best text" of the week, but not the best presentation. Scarborough suggested Kerry stepped on too many of his applause lines: "If John Kerry had delivered that 'Mission Accomplished' line and stepped away from the microphone the crowd would still be cheering. He blew through the best applause lines in a way Bill Clinton never would have."

The Weekly Standard's Fred Barnes weakly told Fox News viewers that Kerry's "salute wasn't very good." The magazine's editor, Bill Kristol, conceded that Kerry "gave a good speech," adding that it was a "bold and interesting" move to try to "retake patriotism for Democrats."

Some of the right's hesitation to trash Kerry's speech may have stemmed from the fact that immediately following Gore's 2000 convention speech, many conservatives denounced it as a failure. Robert Novak labeled the speech "a flop" and erroneously predicted Gore would come out of the convention facing a six-point deficit in the polls. And the Wall Street Journal's Peggy Noonan wrote, "Al Gore's acceptance speech was a rhetorical failure and, in my view, a strategic blunder of significant proportions."

The conservative pundits ended up with egg on their faces, as the public deemed it a hit and Gore enjoyed a robust and sustained post-convention bounce in the polls.
Kerry's right-wing critics may be holding their tongues, not wanting to pan what could turn out to be another Democratic hit.

http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2004/07/29/pundits/

The Debates

This was followed by a stellar performance to win all three presidential debates where Kerry again nailed it in his closing statements:

September 30, 2004

The First Bush-Kerry Presidential Debate


KERRY: Thank you, Jim, very much.

Thank you very much to the university, again.

Thank you, Mr. President.

My fellow Americans, as I've said at the very beginning of this debate, both President Bush and I love this country very much. There's no doubt, I think, about that.

But we have a different set of convictions about how we make our country stronger here at home and respected again in the world.

I know that for many of you sitting at home, parents of kids in Iraq, you want to know who's the person who could be a commander in chief who could get your kids home and get the job done and win the peace.

And for all the rest of the parents in America who are wondering about their kids going to the school or anywhere else in the world, what kind of world they're going to grow up in, let me look you in the eye and say to you: I defended this country as a young man at war, and I will defend it as president of the United States.

But I have a difference with this president. I believe when we're strongest when we reach out and lead the world and build strong alliances.

I have a plan for Iraq. I believe we can be successful. I'm not talking about leaving. I'm talking about winning. And we need a fresh start, a new credibility, a president who can bring allies to our side.

I also have a plan to win the war on terror, funding homeland security, strengthening our military, cutting our finances, reaching out to the world, again building strong alliances.

I believe America's best days are ahead of us because I believe that the future belongs to freedom, not to fear.

That's the country that I'm going to fight for. And I ask you to give me the opportunity to make you proud. I ask you to give me the opportunity to lead this great nation, so that we can be stronger here at home, respected again in the world, and have responsible leadership that we deserve.

Thank you. And God bless America.

October 8, 2004

The Second Bush-Kerry Presidential Debate


KERRY: Thank you, all of you, for taking part.

Thanks for your questions tonight, very, very much.

Obviously the president and I both have very strong convictions. I respect him for that. But we have a very different view about how to make America stronger and safer.

I will never cede the authority of our country or our security to any other nation. I'll never give a veto over American security to any other entity -- not a nation, not a country, not an institution.

But I know, as I think you do, that our country is strongest when we lead the world, when we lead strong alliances. And that's the way Eisenhower and Reagan and Kennedy and others did it.

We are not doing that today. We need to.

I have a plan that will help us go out and kill and find the terrorists.

And I will not stop in our efforts to hunt down and kill the terrorists.

But I'll also have a better plan of how we're going to deal with Iraq: training the Iraqi forces more rapidly, getting our allies back to the table with a fresh start, with new credibility, with a president whose judgment the rest of the world trusts.

In addition to that, I believe we have a crisis here at home, a crisis of the middle class that is increasingly squeezed, health-care costs going up.

I have a plan to provide health care to all Americans.

I have a plan to provide for our schools so we keep the standards but we help our teachers teach and elevate our schools by funding No Child Left Behind.

I have a plan to protect the environment so that we leave this place in better shape to our children than we were handed it by our parents. That's the test.

I believe America's best days are ahead of us. I'm an optimist, but we have to make the right choices, to be fiscally responsible and to create the new jobs of the future. We can do this.

And I ask you for the privilege of leading our nation to be stronger at home and respected again in the world.

Thank you.

October 13, 2004

The Third Bush-Kerry Presidential Debate


KERRY: My fellow Americans, as you heard from Bob Schieffer a moment ago, America is being tested by division. More than ever, we need to be united as a country.

And, like Franklin Roosevelt, I don't care whether an idea is a Republican idea or a Democrat idea. I just care whether it works for America and whether it's going to make us stronger.

These are dangerous times. I believe I offer tested, strong leadership that can calm the waters of the troubled world. And I believe that we can together do things that are within the grasp of Americans.

We can lift our schools up. We can create jobs that pay more than the jobs we're losing overseas. We can have health care for all Americans. We can further the cause of equality in our nation.

Let me just make it clear: I will never allow any country to have a veto over our security. Just as I fought for our country as a young man, with the same passion I will fight to defend this nation that I love.

And, with faith in God and with conviction in the mission of America, I believe that we can reach higher. I believe we can do better.

I think the greatest possibilities of our country, our dreams and our hopes, are out there just waiting for us to grab onto them. And I ask you to embark on that journey with me.

I ask you for your trust. I ask you for your help. I ask you to allow me the privilege of leading this great nation of ours, of helping us to be stronger here at home and to be respected again in the world and, most of all, to be safer forever.

Thank you. Goodnight. And God bless the United States of America.

In fact, shortly after the election, Edwards answered the bogus charge that Democrats have lost their way:

Remarks By Senator Edwards
100 Club Dinner
New Hampshire
02/05/2005

It is so great to be here with you tonight. I want to say thank you for all of your hard work over the last two years. You have a new Governor and a new hope for New Hampshire's families.

John Kerry and I are so grateful for all that you did for the campaign. You won back New Hampshire. You were the first state in the country to turn the page—to turn a red state blue. And I know that New Hampshire will always lead the way with your primary and your commitment to change this country.

I want to say a personal thank you to all of you for your prayers and well wishes for Elizabeth. She's doing well. My wife and I are blessed to have the support of loving friends and family and the best health care in the world. We are so thankful for it. But we must keep up our fight so that every family gets the same chance that we've had.

And to just give you an idea of how strong she is let me tell you what she said the day after we left Boston. She said, "Let's go public right now. If we can help one woman go early to see her doctor, then that would make this worth it." Thanks to all of you we're not in this alone and we're so grateful and blessed to have you standing with us.

You know all these political experts out there question what you and I and the Democratic Party believe in. They say that we don't believe in anything. That we don't stand for anything. Well, tonight I want to talk about what we believe.

We believe in hope over despair, possibilities over problems, optimism over cynicism. We believe in doing what is right even when others say it can't be done. And we believe in fighting desperately for people who don't have a voice. That's what the Democratic Party has always believed in and that's what we will always believe in. That's what you and I believe in.

We know the difference between right and wrong. And it's right to talk about the two different Americas we still live in. We've got one for those who have been blessed and have lived the American Dream. And another for those who are struggling to get by.

It's time to build the one America we all believe in.

Do we believe that any child in our country should go without health care just because their parents can't afford to go to the doctor? That's not we believe in. We have to strengthen our health care system.

Do we believe one child should go to a school with computers while another goes to a school without enough books? That's not what we believe in. We have to strengthen our schools. We can start by expanding early childhood education and treating our teachers and those who work in our schools with the dignity and the respect that they deserve.

Do we believe in an America that is satisfied with two economies—one for wealthy insiders and one for the rest of us? That's not what we believe in. I'll tell you what's right. It's right to want to build one economy that honors work, not just wealth.

You know all of my life I have seen the power and dignity that comes from hard work. In the mills, the post office, and in our schools. I grew up believing that there are two important things we can give to each other—our love and our labor.

I believe there is dignity in work. It goes beyond the numbers on any paycheck. The men and women in my hometown—and yours—feel stronger and better when they know their hard work always—always—can provide for their families.

You've all heard my story—you know how my father had to borrow $50 to get home from the hospital, how he worked in a mill, and how I worked in the mill as a young man. The truth is, I have lived in the bright light of America. But today, that light is flickering. People are struggling more and more. They're falling deeper and deeper in to debt. And they don't know if it's even possible for their kids to have a better life.

This is not an accident. It is by design.

Our Republican leaders value one thing: wealth. We see it in everything they do. Tax "reforms" that shift more of the burden onto the wages of working people. Health savings accounts that serve as tax shelters for millionaires. And now, Social Security—they want to borrow trillions of dollars, add even more to the deficit, and cut benefits for millions of seniors.

And now they admit that private accounts will do nothing to solve the long-term problem. They want to stand with their friends on Wall Street. We want to stand with people who've worked hard all of their lives. And we believe that people should have the freedom to grow old with dignity without having to depend on their children. That's what we believe in.

George Bush likes to talk about an "Ownership Society." We already have one: Power companies that get their way even if the health of children and pregnant women suffer. Oil companies who write our energy policy. George Bush's so-called "Ownership Society" is a secret society that rewards the wealthiest and shuts out those who work hard every day.

What we know and understand in our soul is that hard work built America. Men and women who worked with their hands and their heads—who still do—and just want America to be the land of opportunity again.

What we want is an Opportunity Society where everyone who works hard and does right has the chance to get ahead. And you create an Opportunity Society by honoring work.

We want work to pay. We want work to matter. We want a trade policy that gives our workers a fair chance—with environmental and labor standards. And no American company should ever be allowed to leave this country, go overseas, and hire children to do their work. When people do right by America, America ought to do right by them.

And it's wrong that millions give every day to this country and still live in poverty. This is one of the great moral issues of our time.

You know, this president flies over America and goes to events and stands with his friends. Well, we ought to stand up for people nobody else will.

Last week, I went to Little Washington, North Carolina and met privately with a group of men and women who were struggling.

One woman had been living in a shelter. She told us how she wanted to work. If she walked into this room tonight, you wouldn't think anything of it. But when she walked into the local Laundromat to get warm, she said she was told to: "Get out of here. Anybody living in the shelter's got to be trash." There but for the grace of God go I.

And then I met Loretta.

You know I can still feel her hand shake—determined and strong like a truck driver. She spent 14 years working at a wash house—working for the minimum wage—earning a little more that $200 a week. She would always try to do better but no one would give her a chance.

Well, she kept pushing and pushing. She got her GED and a loan. And now she owns her own pizza franchise. We asked her how many people worked there. She said that there are "eight of us." Not seven people work for me. There were "eight of us." She was asked about the cost of her employees and she said that it was an honor to be able to give them their paychecks. You could hear in her voice the respect she has for other people.

There was hope in that room. America was in that room. It was a million miles from that mill in Robbins, but sitting with Loretta and the others—it was a very familiar place. That natural respect for other people. That belief in effort. And that hope that if you just keep going, try some more, things will get better—isn't this what America's all about?

So we're going to let the Republicans stand with their friends on Wall Street and the big oil, big insurance companies and the HMO's. And who are we going to stand with? We're going to stand with the teachers, nurses, factory workers, tech workers, and small business owners. We're going to stand with Loretta.

That is why I have launched the Center on Poverty, Work and Opportunity at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

We don't pretend to have all the answers, but I can promise you this: we will ask the hard questions: Can we combat poverty in a way that also honors our core beliefs in hard work, responsibility, family? Can we find ways to build more homes and fewer shelters, more small businesses and fewer minimum wage jobs? Can we find a way for government and charities and religious groups to work as more effective partners and honor America's traditions? Can we work to end drug addiction and teen pregnancy? Can we restore the promise of America for those living in poverty?

But here's what we know and can do.

We'll work on strengthening financial security so more families can put money into their own savings accounts and stop the poisonous hold of payday lenders. We'll work on raising the minimum wage and expanding the earned income tax credit so that families who work hard don't have to live in poverty. We'll work on extending health care so that nobody who works has to lose their insurance. We'll work on launching a new race to the top that brings good jobs to forgotten corners. And we'll work on providing a real education and a real chance for every child. Because what we believe—what I believe—is that great potential is in all of us if given the chance.

It may seem like an impossible goal to end poverty, but that's what the skeptics said about all of our other great challenges. If we can put a man on the moon, conquer polio, and put libraries of information on a chip, then we can end poverty for those who want to work for a better life.

My family and my faith didn't teach me to turn my back on a friend or neighbor in need. They taught me to open the door, let them in and help them get back on their feet. And millions are calling for help right now. We hear them. We're going to do something about this. Together, we're going to lift people out of poverty and into the middle class so that America's bright light of opportunity is always lit.

That's what freedom means to you and me. It means having a fundamental right to try and succeed. This belief doesn't come from a book; it comes from our hearts. And it inspires us knowing that each person who walks among us has the same worth as ourselves.

Our freedom inspires us; it also inspires the world. You and I know that freedom means more than standing up and giving a speech. It's not just what you say; it's what you do.

More than 60 years ago, President Roosevelt defined freedom for America and the world.
And we stand by those words and all their meaning: freedom of speech, freedom to worship, freedom from fear, and freedom from want.

But right now, you tell me.

Is that six year old child going to bed hungry in the Sudan—is that child free? How about the woman in Saudi Arabia who wants to vote this month but can't simply because she is a woman? Is she free? How about the Christian in China who wants to worship but can't? Is he free? And what about the Russian in jail whose only crime was telling the truth? Is he free?

Free nations must always fight tyranny, together. Not just with our muscle but with our moral clarity. And that means never again turning a blind eye to those who suffer, who want to educate their child, or who want to speak their minds.

This is what you and I believe. And together, we will ensure that the image of America—the image all of us love—America this great shining light, this beacon of freedom, democracy, and human rights that the world looks up to—that that beacon is always lit.

We must also ensure that democracy remains strong here. We have work to do. We believe is that it's time to move past these days of division where we have "vote challengers" and "vote protectors"—and launch a historic effort to ensure more participation and confidence in our elections. It is an outrage that anyone in America—America—would have any reason to doubt their vote.

So in this century, let's finally build the best that money can buy here in America. So that when we elect the next leader of the free world, every American will have confidence in their vote and that their vote was counted.

All week, we have seen the power of freedom pulling people to the polls. No one could turn on the television or pick up the paper and not feel the weight of the Iraq war. No matter where we stood on getting into this war … no matter where we stand on getting out of this war. All Democrats and all Americans should stand together in honoring the millions of Iraqi's who risked their lives to exercise the precious right to vote and to build their own democracy.

We are blessed to have friends and neighbors and loved ones who are willing to serve their country. We stand with the men and women on the ground in Iraq and Afghanistan. And we wish them God's speed and that they'll return home safely soon.

And here's what we believe: when our soldiers come home—they deserve a country that will honor their service. We believe that no one who's worn the uniform should have to beg for their back pay. We believe that no veteran should have to pay a registration fee to get the health care they are entitled to—they paid that fee when they put on the uniform of the United States of America. And we believe that no soldier who's just returned from serving their country in Iraq should be homeless—they earned their right to a home!

That's what you and I believe in—as Americans.

So don't tell me Democrats don't stand for anything. We do. We stand for work and opportunity. We know when something's right. And we know when something's wrong.

It's wrong when our neighbors work fulltime and they still live in poverty. It's wrong when too many towns are forgotten because the jobs are gone. It's wrong when our children give up on a dream because our schools are broke. It's wrong when our men and women return home from a war and have to fight for the health care to recover from their wounds. And it's wrong when we let a young person in another country thousands of miles away grow up hating us, never knowing or believing in the good of our country.

So don't tell me we Democrats don't believe in anything and don't know where to go. Because we do.

I know the soul of this party and so do you. It lies deep inside each of us and goes to the core of what we believe not just as Democrats -- but as Americans. Everyone - -and I mean everyone -- deserves a fair chance. And we have a moral responsibility to help those who are doing everything right, but are still struggling.

We have been given minds to think with. But we've also been given hearts to inspire us.
When we try to lead with just our minds, we are neglecting the better half of our nature

So don't tell me Democrats don't stand for anything. Because we do. What we believe is that you should never look down on anybody, we should lift people up. We don't believe in tearing people apart. We believe in bringing people together. What we believe—what I believe—is that the family you're born into and the color of your skin in our America should never control your destiny.

Let's turn the page. Let's move forward. Let's build that one America we all believe in.
Thank you. God bless you and the United States of America.

http://www.oneamericacommittee.com/100-club.asp

Here at DU there is a lot to gripe about and even a lot of disagreement to work through about individual members of the party, but to say the Democrats have no message is complete BS. I don't hear Republican pundits saying Repubican have no message, and that's the truth when it come to Iraq and other issues. Carville and the pundits, now that they have the stage, should read the above and repeat often, or STFU.


edited to add apostrophe in title

[Mass]

1. Forget this loser - I changed the channel when I saw he was there.

And I think he makes clear what all this is about: tell Hillary that he can manage her campaign.

MR. RUSSERT: Do you think Senator Clinton’s position on the war in Iraq’s been clear, unambiguous, firm?

MR. CARVILLE: Yeah, I think so. I think she supported the resolution, she did not support kicking the U.N. inspectors out when they were there, and she’s, you know, trying to get some kind of a solution that works. She’s one of 40 Democrats that said it was time to put Iraq on a timetable. Look, it’s a very difficult thing that we’re going through in Iraq, you know, I suspect that this president’s going to start pulling troops back, and they’re going to do exactly the same thing that the Democrats that they’re accusing the Democrats of urging them to do.

May be he should go back to advise Zell Miller.

[OKNancy]

2. Carville wasn't saying the Democrats had no message

He said we were doing a poor job of getting it out there, and there was no UNIFIED message.
I saw the MTP show, what he said was true. For anyone to say that Kerry ran an organized campaign and presented the Democrat's message well probably lives in some sort of internet bubble or in a deep blue location.

We will lose again if we don't remember:
“Democrats have failed on the basics, defining their message, attacking their opponents, defending their leaders, inspiring their voters. The problem with the Democratic Party isn’t—is not ideological, it’s anatomical. We lack a backbone. Consider this book an attempt at a spinal transplant.”

[Mass]

3. Nothing wrong with a blue location.

As for an disorganized campaign and party, put the blame to the feet of those who led the party for the previous 12 years.

Now, if Carville is recognizing the lousy job his pals have made during the last 12 years, happy to hear that. We need to create grassroots everywhere. Hopefully, Dean will do that and get some help from others.

[ProSense]

4. Respectfully disagree, the broad message is as unified

as it can be given the current spin on everything the Democrats say: They were unified on ANWR, Social Security, the Patriot Act, a number of other issues and, except for a small few, on Iraq withdrawal.

Isn't this about a book co-authored by Carville and Begala?

MR. RUSSERT: Let me go back to the book and quote some of the reflections that you had on the race of 2004, Paul Begala. “So why did Democrats lose in 2004? We belive that the lack of a clear, simple, consistent message was the greatest shortcoming of Democrats in 2004. The Bush message was everything ours wasn’t. One of President Bush’s top strategists told us after the election, ‘From day one we talked about three things: strength, trust and values.’ In their story, Bush embodied all of those things and John Kerry had none of them.”

Our friends who ran the Kerry campaign continue to insist they did have ea message. Here’s what they called a message: J-HOS. That’s right, J-HOS. It stands for jobs, healthcare, oil, security. They talked and they talks but voters weren’t listening or more accurately, couldn’t hear any message in the laundry list of issues. Without a message, Democrats were, if you’ll pardon the expression, J-HOSED.” Ouch.

MR. BEGALA: That was incredibly painful experience to write it. You know, it—we were performing an autopsy in a cause that we believed in. You know, I like Senator Kerry, I supported his campaign. And the people who ran it—as you know, it’s a small town—they’ve been friends of ours for decades. And yet there’s no getting around it. It—we have to be candid as Democrats. And look at why it was that that President Bush was able to prevail even though most of the country thought we were moving in the wrong direction. Part of it is because he ran a strategically brilliant campaign and we talked to many of his strategists—I will way I don’t reveal my sources—but we did not talk to Mary. She was one of the few people who would not talk to us...

MS. MATALIN: Because I don’t talk to either.

MR. BEGALA: ...about that campaign. But the—the Democrats blew it, let’s face it. They blew it, and it’s not that people think that we’re too liberal. It’s that they think we’re too weak, because we don’t stand up and say clearly and plainly what we stand for. And that’s really the thesis of the book. It’s that our problem is not ideological, it is anatomical. We need a spine. And a party that allows someone who has won five major medals, who three times has shed blood for our country, and won the bronze star and the silver star to be positioned as weak and woffling and weird is—it’s a sin. It’s awful. And Democrats have got to learn from that if we’re ever going to take it back.


MR. RUSSERT: You have in the book comments, reflections, observations by former President Bill Clinton on election night of 2004 that I had never seen anywhere else. Tell us what he said.

MR. BEGALA: Yeah, this is something I’ve never done before and James has never done before, but I thought it was so powerful. I called him up at 11:30 on election night, as returns were coming in, and I was sure John Kerry was going to win. And I was just dead wrong. So I called him and I said, “Sir, what did I miss here? What did I get wrong?” And right away before the exit polling had been digested or anything he said, “you can’t ignore those social, cultural values voters. You don’t have to switch on their issues, but you have to talk to them.” He said, “You can’t go around and just ignore them. People are concerned about the moral direction of the country. We should be able to address that with equal credibility with the Republicans, but when you simply ignore it,” he said, “you’re going to lose.” And he used as a contrast on that night your first guest this morning.

He said, “Look at Barack Obama. He traveled around the state with his preacher and talked about a very progressive agenda but did it in terms of his faith and his family in a way that resonated with middle class voters in downstate Illinois who probably don’t have a lot of friends named Barack.”

And I thought it was a very impressive conversation.

MR. RUSSERT: James Carville, many observers of the 2004 race was terrorism, September 11th.

MR. CARVILLE: Right.

MR. RUSSERT: Who’s best equipped to conduct the war on terror and they decided to continue with George Bush rather than change for John Kerry.

MR. CARVILLE: There’s extensive evidence that that’s really not—the reason that they did not vote for Kerry is, is not because they thought he was too liberal or they thought he wouldn’t protect America. It was they were more concerned it looked like his stance were one way and another and were not definitive.

That is the price that you pay if you don’t have a central unified message. You get J-HOSED because you allow them to define you. But I checked on our polling on the way over here this morning and it is absolutely true that the reason that the biggest doubts about Kerry were not that he wouldn’t protect America—he was too liberal—but that he was too wobbly. And that’s what we do in this book, Tim, is it’s not the same prescription. A prescription for Democrats always is, “are we too liberal or where do we adjust ourselves on the ideological scale?”

As Paul said, we believe the problem is anatomical, not ideological. There’s no reason that if you’re for an increase in the minimum wage that you have to be for gun control. I mean, that’s a typical ideological approach and that’s the kind of stuff that we argue against. I think we argue very, very hard and I just keep pounding the table on this energy independence thing. I mean, Tom Frieden’s...(unintelligible)...absolutely right about that. And I don’t know why the Democrats don’t take it up.

MR. RUSSERT: In fact, let me quote exactly again from the book on that subject of transplant. “Democrats have failed on the basics, defining their message, attacking their opponents, defending their leaders, inspiring their voters. The problem with the Democratic Party isn’t—is not ideological, it’s anatomical. We lack a backbone. Consider this book an attempt at a spinal transplant.”

You agree with that, Mary?

[wisteria]

10. Thank you for this, I am tired of "our Pundits" spewing crap

like this-are you sure he is even on our side? Screw him. He makes our party look bad and it's hard to take him seriously because of who is married to. Actually, he needs to go away-permanently!!!

[ProSense]

11. You're welcome. n/t

[TheGunslinger]

5. the “liberal media” doesn't report on the Dems enough

[Zeke]

7. Finally...

Finally someone says what I'm saying
about my Dem Party: the need to fight
and by fighting inspire voters to
vote-----Democratic!

Dean - Murtha 2008 !!!

[karynnj]

9. Carville with Begala were among the few Democrats on TV

If he listened to Kerry's acceptance speech, listened to any CSPAN Kerry rally, or spent even about an hour reading the position papers on the Kerry web site, HE could have been someone helping get a unified message out. It was very obvious they didn't do this - and as they were among the few Democratic partisans, it really hurt. Before they criticise anyone else, they need to really look in the mirror.

I got sick of both of them early in the general campaign. They would ridicule Bush for silly things - incoherence and falling off bikes etc - while ignoring the very major things that Bush was wrobg about - and then they would whine about Kerry's campaign. The biggest problem in their mind was that it didn't include them running it. I can not think of a comparable Republican prima donna they all backed Bush to the hilt.

[frankly_fedup2]

6. Thanks prosense for this great time line you have put together.

I plan on saving it for future reference. You put a lot of work into it and it shows. Thanks again.

I really got sick and tired of the "Democrats have no plan" and "The Republicans are the party of VALUES."

The PARTY OF VALUES . . . ummmm,after Abramoff, they are going to have to be a little more specific just exactly what "Values" mean to them. Maybe lying, stealing, cheating is not against their base of values; however, thank GOD those that took money didn't have sex involved anywhere with Abramoff . . . or maybe that part hasn't come out yet. They are anti-sex or asexual is more their language.

So I wonder what their platform is going to be this upcoming election? I would still suggest "Bush lied and thousands have died"

[ProSense]

8. You're welcome. I agree

Too many people keep repeating this chage against the Democrats and it's just not true.