http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=14257
by Nick Dearden, "War on Want," Zmag
November 7th, 2006
In March 2004, four American guards were attacked and killed in the Iraqi town of Fallujah. Their charred bodies were beaten and dragged through the streets in front of television cameras, and two of the corpses were hung from a bridge over the river Euphrates. The following month, eight commandos engaged in an intense firefight with Iraqi militia during an attack on the US government headquarters in Najaf, calling in their own helicopter support to supply ammunition and take away the wounded.In November 2005, a 'trophy video' was published on the internet showing soldiers randomly shooting civilian cars from out of the back of their vehicle on the road to Baghdad airport.
The 'soldiers' involved in each of these incidents are not part of any national armed forces; they are employed by global corporations. They are paid to provide a wide range of services, from acting as armed guards for convoys and oil installations to running border patrols and training of local police and military forces, and they are regularly involved in direct combat with Iraqi militia fighters. More than 48,000 are employed by corporations as mercenaries in Iraq - a force six times larger than the official UK armed forces presence in the country. As pressure mounts for UK and US troops to be withdrawn, it is to mercenaries like these that governments increasingly look to fight the war for them.
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At Abu Ghraib prison, employees of two PMSCs (Private Military and Security Companies) were implicated in the prisoner abuse scandal, including allegedly raping a male juvenile detainee, directing the use of dogs and other forms of torture during interrogations, ordering a prisoner not to receive his prescription pain killers, and forcing a male prisoner to wear women's underwear.Despite these cases and many more, no private military contractor has been prosecuted throughout the war in Iraq because their actions are not governed by any laws. Under Coalition Provisional Authority Order 17, all foreign contractors have immunity from prosecution in Iraq.
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Several DynCorp employees in Bosnia were accused of running a prostitution ring that used under-age girls, as well as purchasing illegal weapons and forging passports. The firm's site supervisor was accused of videotaping himself raping two young women. Employees were dismissed, but did not face criminal prosecution.
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This is just the tip of the iceberg. PMSCs are also involved in stockpiling and transporting weapons into conflict zones and assisting weak governments and rebel groups, especially in Africa, to shift the balance of war. De Beers, Texaco, Chevron, British Gas, Amoco, Exxon, Mobil, Ranger Oil, BP, American Airlines and Shell have all contracted DSL (now part of UK PMSC ArmorGroup). Halliburton specialises in energy exploration and construction, but also provides logistical support to the US military.
PMSCs are a dangerous and lawless outgrowth of our military industry. But the government has sat back and allowed them to spiral out of control because they play an increasingly large part in our war planning.
PMSCs allow governments to maintain a global reach while avoiding the need to send troops and thereby evading accountability from a public increasingly unwilling to pay the costs of war. Indeed it is believed that the UK and US would now struggle to wage war without PMSCs operating as their paramilitary partners. Given how fast the industry has already expanded, it is essential that legislation ends these fantasies before they get any more concrete. But this will not be achieved simply by outlawing the right of corporations to have troops on the ground.