Greenwald's analysis of the interview is
here. Background: O'Hanlon and Brookings colleague (and fellow cheerleader) Ken Pollack have been touring the credulous media claiming to be impartial voices substantiating Petraeus's impending rave reviews for the surge, when in fact, their tour of Iraq was arranged and orchestrated entirely by the US military. The Brookings duo's NY Times op-ed media tour is being used to give the DC foreign policy power establishment (on both sides of the aisle) permission to continue the travesty (or to avoid seeking a rational solution) in Iraq indefinitely.
Greenwald is relentless in his bringing out of O'Hanlan the extent of their co-optation by the military/neo-con establishment. And coward that O'Hanlon really is, he is helpless to defend himself. It's a damning exchange and a must read for everyone who wants to know why Washington is incapable of changing course on this unpopular, immoral, illegal war.
A sample of Greenwald's overview of the interview follows:
***
The entire trip -- including where they went, what they saw, and with whom they spoke -- consisted almost entirely of them faithfully following what O'Hanlon described as "the itinerary the D.O.D. developed."
But to establish their credibility as first-hand witnesses, O'Hanlon and Pollack began their Op-Ed by claiming, in the very first sentence:
"VIEWED from Iraq, where we just spent eight days meeting with American and Iraqi military and civilian personnel. . . . " Yet the overwhelming majority of these "Iraqi military and civilian personnel" were ones
hand-picked for them by the U.S. military:
GG: The first line of your Op-Ed said:"viewed from Iraq where we just spent the last eight days interviewing American and Iraqi military and civilian personnel..."
How did you arrange the meetings with the Iraqi military and civilian personnel?
MO: Well, a number of those -- and most of those were arranged by the U.S. military. So I'll be transparent about that as well. These were to some extent contacts of Ken and Tony, but that was a lesser number of people. The predominant majority were people who we came into contact with through the itinerary the D.O.D. developed.I specifically asked O'Hanlon whether, as a result, he was concerned that he was getting an unrepresentative view of the situation in Iraq, and in response he said:
If someone wanted to argue that we were not getting a representative view of Iraqis because the ones we spoke with were provided by the military, I would agree that this would be a genuine concern. Certainly that might have influenced the impressions that we were presented, though by no means did all of the Iraqis agree with the view of progress in Iraq.The following exchange then occurred:
GG: Given that some of the claims in your Op-Ed are based upon your conversations with Iraqis, and that the Iraqis with whom you spoke were largely if not exclusively ones provided to you by the U.S. military, shouldn't that fact have been included in your Op-Ed?
MO: If the suggestion is that in a 1,400 word Op-Ed, we ought to have mentioned that, I can understand that criticism, and if we should have included that, I apologize for not having done so. But I want to stress that the focus here was on the perspective of the U.S. military, and I did a lot of probing of what I was told, and remain confident in the conclusions that we reached about the military successes which we highlighted. But if you're suggesting that some of our impressions might have been shaped by the military's selection of Iraqis, and that we might have disclosed that, that is, I think, fair enough.Subsequently, I pressed him again on how they could possibly rely on what they were hearing given that virtually all of the vaunted "Iraqi military and civilian personnel" with whom they were speaking were hand-picked for them. O'Hanlon acknowledged:
I will take your point and I would agree with your point that we were certainly not getting a representative view of Iraqi opinion. ***
The interview transcript is
here.