In the past few days there has been a good deal of criticism of those of us who have criticized Tim Russert following his death on June 13th. We’ve been accused of “dancing on his grave”, disrespecting the dead, and lacking in compassion, and we’ve been told to think of his family and that if we don’t have anything good to say we shouldn’t say anything at all about him.
I believe that most of those criticisms are unfair. In the first place, there are some very good reasons for criticizing him at this point in time, which I’ll get to shortly. But first, to address some of the criticisms:
Criticism is not “grave dancing”. I can criticize a recently dead person for what he did during his life without taking any joy in his death.
How is it possible to respect someone more after he dies than you did before he died? It is possible to reconsider the matter, of course. But that’s not likely to change one’s opinion.
Compassion? I think I’ll save my compassion for those who need it or for those who have done things that have touched me in a positive way. I never knew Tim Russert personally, and he doesn’t fall into either of those two categories.
With respect to his family, I wish them no harm, and I know almost nothing about them. I’ll
quote kenzee13 on this because I can’t say it any better: “People who choose public life also choose to subject themselves to the "disrespect" of strangers – It's part of the price of success, and why death should change that is a mystery to me.”
And as for not saying anything if we don’t have anything good to say – Sorry, but that doesn’t apply to public figures. This is why:
When a public figure diesPublic figures who greatly influence public opinion, and therefore public policy, are often subject to aggrandizement or attacks, according to the political views of those who aggrandize or attack them. The occasion of their death is no exception to that rule. To the contrary, their death often triggers a huge outpouring of both aggrandizement and attacks. The reason is obvious. The dead public figure will never be able to actively influence public policy again. But those who wish to support or challenge the ideals, actions, and political views of the public figure who recently died will want to frame his life in a way that supports their views and interests. They will never again have as great an opportunity to do that, because the days following the public figure’s death are the days when the greatest number of people will be thinking about him.
We all saw this not too long ago with Ronald Reagan. There was a huge effort on the part of our corporate news media to elevate him to sainthood. I don’t know how much of that was due to genuine affection versus political calculation, but I’m sure there were a lot of both. There was a great widening of the wealth gap, with consequent increasing poverty in our country, during the Reagan administration. This was no accident. It was accomplished largely by the dismantling of FDR’s New Deal policies. There are many people in our country, a disproportionate number who are extremely wealthy, who would very much like to see Reagan’s policies continued forever or extended. By attempting to raise Ronald Reagan to sainthood they were also attempting to enshrine his
policies. It is very difficult to argue against the policies of a saint. In point of fact, Ronald Reagan was a lot less popular during his presidency than he was made out to be by our corporate news media in the days following his death. All the more reason to elevate his popularity by aggrandizing him in the days following his death.
So naturally, those of us who believed Reagan’s policies to be cruel and callous said so at that time. We didn’t have as big a voice as our corporate news media did. But we did what we could to combat their efforts to spin Reagan and his policies into something that they were not. That of course involved aggressive criticism of Ronald Reagan and his policies. And I firmly believe that that was the right thing to do.
The rise of the corporate (phony) news media in the United StatesIt has long been recognized in our country that use of the public airways is a privilege rather than a right. That is why, as early as 1927 our government began requiring licenses for use of the public airways, in the
Radio Act of 1927, which was expanded in the
Communications Act of 1934. Since then, the underlying standard for radio and television licensing has been the “
public interest, convenience and necessity clause”, which is explained here by Sharon Zechowski:
The obligation to serve the public interest is integral to the "trusteeship" model of broadcasting – the philosophical foundation upon which broadcasters are expected to operate. The trusteeship paradigm is used to justify government regulation of broadcasting. It maintains that the electromagnetic spectrum is a limited resource belonging to the public, and only those most capable of serving the public interest are entrusted with a broadcast license. The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is the government body responsible for determining whether or not applicants for broadcast license meet the requirements to obtain them and for further regulation of those to whom licenses have been granted.
But with the passage of the
Telecommunications Act of 1996, we began to see a rapid decline in the quality of the news we receive. By relaxing rules that prohibited monopoly control of telecommunications, that Act led to the concentration of the national news media of the United States largely into the hands of a very few wealthy corporations, to an extent never before seen in our country. This, more than any other event, has allowed the content of the news received by American citizens to be determined by a small number of very wealthy and powerful interests. Hence the pervasive blackout of meaningful news.
David Podvin and Carolyn Kay
explain how Jack Welch, the former CEO of General Electric, put this process into play at NBC:
The new dimension that Welch introduced was the concept that the mainstream media should aggressively advance the political agenda of the corporations that own it. He did not see any difference between corporate journalism and corporate manufacturing… Business was business, and the difference between winners and losers was profit… From Welch’s perspective, it was insanity… for the corporate owners of the mainstream media to restrain themselves from using all of their assets to promote their financial well being. In general, he saw corporate news organizations as untapped political resources that should be freed from the burden of objectivity.
On the death of Tim RussertI used Ronald Reagan as an example of a political figure whose death naturally triggered several days’ worth of aggrandizement from our corporate news media, along with some rebuttal from those who adamantly disagreed with Reagan’s policies. Some would – and did – argue that Tim Russert is not a political figure, and therefore should be immune from the kind of aggressive criticism that was triggered by Ronald Reagan’s death.
But those of us who have criticized Russert recently see it very differently. We believe that Tim Russert has for many years been used by the corporate owners of NBC to promote a far right wing agenda while pretending to be a neutral journalist. As such, he has had vast influence on political outcomes in our country – most notably the two presidential elections of George W. Bush.
So, why should our corporate news media spend so much time and effort aggrandizing Russert, since he hasn’t
overtly espoused right wing points of view? The point is that Tim Russert was perhaps the most influential and widely admired news person in our country over the past several years. The owners of our corporate news media are interested above all in maintaining the status quo. They want Russert to be remembered in a very favorable manner, as that helps to maintain the fiction that the American people have actually been receiving relevant news from our corporate news media over the past several years.
Most people who are now criticizing Russert aren’t doing so because of lack of compassion or blind hatred. We are doing it as an attempt to counteract the false story of his career that is being put forward by our corporate news media. It is true that our voices are nowhere near as loud as the voices of the corporate news media. But we are doing our small part to counteract what we see as a toxic and harmful lie. We have the right to do that. In doing so we are exercising our First Amendment rights to criticize someone who we believe has been intimately tied to corrupt corporations that are in turn intimately tied to the most corrupt presidential administration we’ve ever had.
The origin of Russert’s right wing leaningsPodvin and Kay also give us some clue as to how Tim Russert became the right wing corporate shill that he has been for the past several years, in the same article I quoted above, based on anonymous sources who worked at GE:
Welch was absolutely determined to make his employees at NBC News finally genuflect to the most sacred words in his vocabulary: GE bottom line. He perceived that there was a widely believed American myth of well-intended journalists selflessly seeking the truth, and that there would be hell to pay if a business leader like him were to overtly force reporters to be good corporate soldiers. So, being a very bright guy, he largely left the journalists at NBC alone.
Publicly.
In private, Welch was proud to have personally cultivated Tim Russert from a “lefty” to a responsible representative of GE interests. Welch sincerely believed that all liberals were phonies. He took great pleasure in “buying their leftist souls”, watching in satisfaction as former Democrats like Russert and MSNBC’s Chris Matthews eagerly discarded the baggage of their former progressive beliefs in exchange for cold hard GE cash. Russert was now an especially obedient and model employee in whom the company could take pride.
EVIDENCE OF RUSSERT’S RIGHT WING SHILLINGBecause Tim Russert had an exceptional ability to come across as an unbiased and fair professional journalist with integrity, most people today, including even some liberals, still think of him in that way. That’s what made him so dangerous. I am convinced that, given the closeness of the last two Presidential elections, without Russert’s help neither one of them would have been close enough for George W. Bush to steal. Imagine how different our country and the world would be today if Al Gore had been our President for the past 7 years. So, let’s consider some of the evidence (much of which I’ve posted previously):
Russert’s role in the 2000 electionRussert’s announcing of the Florida Supreme Court’s ruling that every vote must be counted will forever be branded in my mind. That was the point in time when I suddenly realized who Russert was. The contempt in his eyes and in his voice was palpable. I don’t recall his exact words, but he was obviously enraged that all ballots would now have to be examined to determine the “intent of the voter”, as Florida’s Supreme Court had ruled.
Russert was relentless on Bush’s behalf during the Florida recount. Prior to Bush’s being awarded the presidency, as described by Eric Alterman in “
What Liberal Media?”, Russert referred to Bush’s “future presidency” nineteen times, and he referred to Bush himself as “President Elect Bush”. On NBC Nightly News on November 8th, Russert said that Gore “can’t extend it too long, nor can he become a whiner about Florida”. He asked Dick Cheney if he thought that Gore was being a “sore loser”. And when Bush’s Florida campaign chairman, Katherine Harris, announced George Bush as the winner of the Florida election, based on the fact that the uncounted ballots hadn’t been counted by what she interpreted as the deadline date, Russert announced on his November 26th edition of Meet the Press, “He (Bush) has now been declared the official winner of the Florida election … and therefore is the forty-third president of the United States.”
And he tried, ultimately successfully, to get Gore’s running mate, Joe Lieberman, to make concessions. On Meet the Press during the height of the controversy, as related in Robert Shogan’s book “
Bad News”:
Russert demanded that Senator Lieberman … announce that Gore would give up the fight and accept Bush as the winner if the Florida tribunal upheld an unfavorable lower-circuit court decision against him.
When Lieberman refused to agree, Russert persisted:
But Senator … if the Florida Supreme Court rules that the lower-court judge was correct and the hand recount should not be counted, it ends there. The Supreme Court has spoken. Why not accept that decision? Why keep dangling out there future litigation?
Then there was the issue of 680 controversial, illegal and probably phony overseas military ballots, which went heavily for Bush. Eric Alterman describes this situation in his book:
The New York Times reported that the Bush lawyers had failed to present “any evidence” for legal arguments to allow the ballots…. What’s more, a later extensive post-election investigation by the Times found considerable circumstantial evidence for monkey business on these and other overseas ballot by the Republicans. But the echo chamber they created was so strong that Democratic vice-presidential candidate Joe Lieberman felt compelled to concede the issue under pressure… Since the number of ballots in question was 680, and Bush’s alleged margin of victory turned out to be just 537, this concession alone could conceivably have cost Gore his victory.
Eventually, the efforts of the Bush campaign, Russert, and other “journalists” paid off, as Lieberman announced directly to Russert on
Meet the Press that the Gore/Lieberman campaign would not dispute the counting of those 680 questionable ballots.
Russert’s destruction of Howard Dean’s 2004 Presidential candidacyRussert’s interview with Howard Dean, then frontrunner for the Democratic presidential nomination, on
June 22nd, 2003, showed how he interviews someone when he wants to destroy them politically.
Pulling out a highly partisan analysis of Dean’s tax plan, Russert asked Dean, “Can you honestly go across the country and say, “I’m going to raise your taxes 4,000 percent or 107 percent and be elected?”. Then Russert erroneously informed his viewers that Dean’s teenage son had been indicted for steeling beer.
And the fatal trap came when Russert asked how many men and women were serving in the U.S. military. When Dean said he didn’t know the exact number Russert lectured him, saying that “As commander in Chief, you should know that.”
An argument then ensued between Dean and Russert on this subject. Though I felt that Dean did a fine job of handling this, I tried to view the exchange through the eyes of a typical undecided American voter, and my conclusion was (later verified, I believe) that Dean was hurt badly by this episode. Indeed, the conventional wisdom was that Dean “failed” Russert’s test, and that Russert “cleaned Dean’s clock”. And I do believe that if not for this interview Howard Dean would be President today.
Dean was put in an untenable position. Here was “the ultimate unbiased nonpartisan” journalist telling him that he was unfit to be president. If he argued too strenuously with Russert about this he might appear to viewers to be belittling the responsibilities of the Presidency. If he argued not strenuously enough he might appear to be conceding that Russert was correct about his unfitness for the Presidency. What could he do?
Russert and George BushOn bit of evidence of Russert’s leaning towards George W. Bush comes from an incident related by Al Gore to Anthony Lappe, which took place shortly before the 2000 election at the Al Smith dinner, attended by Gore and Bush. Here is Lappe’s description from his book, “
True Lies”:
At one point in the evening, Gore explains, Russert approached the candidates. As Gore was closest to him, Russert respectfully shook his hand and then moved on to Bush. Thinking that Gore had turned away, Russert shook Bush’s hand and, mischievously, turned over his jacket lapel to reveal a Bush campaign pin hidden under the fold.
Anyone who thinks that Russert’s reputation as a tough interviewer has real life relevance to high ranking Republicans should look at the transcript of Russert’s interview with George W. Bush in February, 2004.
Shortly after chief U.S. weapons inspector David Kay exposed the lie of Iraqi WMDs in February 2004, the White House needed to repair some of the political damage. Bush chose Russert for that purpose. Anthony Lappe describes Russert’s interview of Bush on his February 8th, 2004 edition of
Meet the Press:
For over an hour, six million viewers were treated to one of the biggest journalistic letdowns of the election year. With so much on the table – from the nonexistent WMDs to the Iraqi quagmire to accusations that Bush was AWOL from the National Guard – Russert could have hog-tied the president and left him twisting in the wind. Instead, he let him off easy, failing to counter Bush’s dodges with obvious follow-up questions.
In that same interview, in response to Russert’s asking if he would authorize the release of his military records to settle the question of whether or not Bush was AWOL from the National Guard, Bush answered “Yes, absolutely. We did so in 2000, by the way.”
Russert, regarded as one of the most well prepared journalists on television, must have known that that was a bald faced lie, as researcher Marty Heldt has previously publicly made clear that his efforts to obtain information on Bush’s military records through the Freedom of Information Act
had been rejected. But Russert just let Bush’s false statement slide by, without even a follow-up question.
And in an abject display of his unbounded admiration for George Bush, Russert even asked Laura Bush on his December 23rd, 2001 edition of Meet the Press if she thought that her husband had become president due to divine intervention.
Russert and Dick CheneyThe best clue to Russert’s connection to Dick Cheney comes from the
testimony of Cheney’s former communications director, Cathie Martin, during the Scooter Libby trial:
Flashed on the courtroom computer screens were her notes from 2004 about how Cheney could respond to allegations that the Bush administration had played fast and loose with evidence of Iraq's nuclear ambitions…. then listed the pros and cons of a vice presidential appearance on the Sunday show. Under "pro," she wrote: "control message." "I suggested we put the vice president on 'Meet the Press,' which was a tactic we often used," Martin testified. "It's our best format."
For a perfect example of why ‘Meet the Press’ was the Bush administration’s “best format”, let’s take a look at a Russert
interview with Dick Cheney shortly after the September 11, 2001 attacks on our country, where Cheney tried to explain the pitiful response of his administration to the attacks:
VICE PRES. CHENEY: Well, the – I suppose the toughest decision was this question of whether or not we would intercept incoming commercial aircraft.
MR. RUSSERT: And you decided?'
VICE PRES. CHENEY: We decided to do it. We'd, in effect, put a flying combat air patrol up over the city; F-16s with an AWACS, which is an airborne radar system, and tanker support so they could stay up a long time.
Russert must have known that Cheney’s contention that “the toughest decision was this question of whether or not we would intercept incoming commercial aircraft” was a lie, since fighter jets
routinely intercept commercial aircraft under certain designated circumstances (such as hijacked aircraft) without requiring or asking for approval from the White House. But again, Russert made no challenge of that ridiculous assertion by Cheney, and did not even follow up on it.
Tom_paine recently added another piece of evidence of the abject subservience of Tim Russert to the Bush administration:
It was an informal TV interview, I recall. Tim was chatting, responding lengthily to a question, I can't remember what is was, when he said, "Oh, I think the Republican National Committee does a fantastic job with research. They send me stuff all the time and it's always dead on."
Tom then puts that statement into proper perspective:
A journalist should NEVER be accepting information from Party-Loyal Opposition Research Teams with an axe to grind, should not be running with it blindly and "catapulting the propaganda" to millions who trust you NOT to do that! My God, that crosses the interface between journalist and propagandist in a BIG way, IMHO.
Russert’s “moderating” of the September 2007 Democratic debatesRussert used his role as moderator of the September 2007
Democratic debates mainly to push right wing talking points and discredit the Democratic candidates. In addition to bringing up that urgent issue of crucial national importance, the fact that John Edwards got an expensive haircut during his campaign, consider the following:
Mischaracterizing responses to his question about pledging withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Iraq by 2013Russert put the following question or a close version of it to all the Democratic candidates: “Will you pledge that by January 2013, the end of your first term, more than five years from now, there will be no U.S. troops in Iraq?”
The use of the word “pledge” and the phrase “no U.S. troops” make that an extreme question. No candidate should be asked by a debate moderator to “pledge” to accomplish something where there is a possibility that unforeseen circumstances may make it impossible to fulfill the pledge. Instead, real journalists interested in real debate would simply ask how the candidate intends to handle the issue, without asking for a “pledge”.
All three of the leading candidates said essentially that they would drastically reduce our presence in Iraq and that meeting Russert’s pledge would be a goal of theirs. But they wouldn’t promise that they would be successful in withdrawing
all troops from Iraq by the end of their first term.
Following those responses, Russert turned to Bill Richardson and said, “You’ve heard your three other opponents say they can’t do it in four years.” But the three leading candidates had said nothing of the sort. They didn’t say anything remotely resembling that they couldn’t do it. They simply refused to make an iron clad promise. But, the next morning on C-SPAN, picking up on Russert’s claim that “they can’t do it in four years”, the whole theme of the program was about that specious claim. And so, I listened to one
Democratic caller after another pillory all the leading Democratic candidates for refusing to get out of Iraq in four years.
Invoking Rudy Giuliani as the ideal candidate for preventing nukes from falling into the hands of Iran A little later Russert hyped the Iran threat by asking if Israel would be justified in attacking Iran if they concluded that Iran’s nuclear capability posed a threat to them. After Senator Clinton refused to take the bait, Russert held up Rudy Giuliani’s answer to the same question as a model:
You will all be running against a Republican opponent, perhaps Rudy Giuliani. This is what he said:
“Iran is not going to be allowed to build a nuclear power. If they get to a point where they're going to become a nuclear power, we will prevent them, we will set them back eight to 10 years. That is not said as a threat. That should be said as a promise."
Russert then asked the Democratic candidates:
Would you make a promise as a potential commander in chief that you will not allow Iran to become a nuclear power and will use any means to stop it?
So there we go again. Rudy Giuliani essentially
promises that he will go to war if necessary to prevent Iran from gaining nuclear capability, and Russert challenges the Democratic candidates to agree with that extreme and dangerous position.
Yet all the Democratic candidates handled it quite well. Senator Obama’s response to Giuliani’s warmongering was typical: “I think what Mayor Giuliani said was irresponsible, because we have not yet come to that point. We have not tried the other approach.”
Russert’s response to that was to put Obama’s responsible caution in the worst possible light, challenging him to equal Giuliani’s extremism:
So you would not offer a promise to the American people, like Giuliani, that Iran will not be able to develop and become a nuclear power?
Mischaracterizing the torture issueTowards the end of the debate Russert got into the subject of torture:
Imagine the following scenario. We get lucky. We get the number three guy in Al Qaeda. We know there's a big bomb going off in America in three days and we know this guy knows where it is. Don't we have the right and responsibility to beat it out of him? You could set up a law where the president could make a finding or could guarantee a pardon. Obama – Would you do that as President?
Torture is indeed an important issue for our country to think about today. It is likely that since George Bush started his “War on Terror” our country has been responsible for the
torture of thousands – the good majority of them innocent of any crime.
And what do we have to show for all this brutal inhumanity? Well, we got a high ranking member of al Qaeda to
admit to a connection between Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda
that didn’t exist. That in turn helped George Bush to justify his invasion of Iraq. And we’ve antagonized the rest of the world through our lawless and inhumane actions, especially Muslims, thus greatly
increasing the recruitment of new anti-American terrorists.
If a real journalist wanted to talk about torture, that’s what he should have talked about. That is an issue which, as you read this, is ruining the reputation of our country, causing us to lose ground in our efforts to combat terrorism, putting our own soldiers at extreme risk for being tortured, and greatly reducing our influence to control world events. It would have been very educational for the American people, and well worth the effort for Russert to have discussed this issue, as a lesson in what the official sanction of torture leads to.
But instead of talking about that he introduced a scenario that has a remote chance in hell of occurring. Why? He did it so that if the Democratic presidential candidates did the right thing they would appear to a certain percentage of Americans to be “weak on terror”. But none of the Democratic candidates succumbed to panic over Russert’s torture scenario. So he persisted:
Senator Clinton, this is the number three man in Al Qaeda. We know there's a bomb about to go off, and we have three days, and we know this guy knows where it is. Should there be a presidential exception to allow torture in that kind of situation?
Translation: Do you really care more about abstract civil liberties and moral concepts than you do about protecting the American people against a terrorist attack?
Senator Clinton responded by telling him where to go with his torture mongering, and I couldn't say it any better:
You know, Tim, I agree with what Joe and Barack have said. As a matter of policy it cannot be American policy period… But these hypotheticals are very dangerous because they open a great big hole in what should be an attitude that our country and our president takes toward the appropriate treatment of everyone. And I think it's dangerous to go down this path.
THE BOTTOM LINEOur country is involved in many wars today. We have a war in Afghanistan, we have a war in Iraq, and we have a “War on Terror”. But perhaps the major underlying cause of all these wars is the class war, which is going on simultaneously. And by a class war I mean a war waged by an elite group of ultra-wealthy individuals against the middle class, the working class and the poor.
A major tool in that class war is our corporate news media. By acquiring monopoly control over the news that most Americans receive, their main strategy is to keep most Americans uninformed enough that the ultra-wealthy can continue to widen the wealth gap in our country to astronomical proportions without protest. Right wing nut jobs such as Ann Coulter and Rush Limbaugh are somewhat limited in the extent to which they can help out with this war because most Americans don’t take them seriously. The greatest danger is posed by phony journalists such as Tim Russert, who have a great ability to disguise themselves as objective journalists while sticking their knives into the backs of anyone who poses a threat to their corporate masters. I don’t know of anyone who was better at that than Tim Russert.
So the recent corporate news media love fest with Tim Russert should come as no surprise. Russert serves as a model for the type of person whom the corporate media aspires to recruit, promote, and honor. Russert had a multi-million dollar salary while he was alive, and in death he gets raised to saint status. Those in the business know well what they need to do to rise to the top. And you can be assured that we will see no such canonization if Bill Moyers or Dennis Kucinich die prematurely.
Living in such a society sometimes feels to me like Alice in her journey through Wonderland and the Looking Glass. In my opinion, and in the opinion of many others, a major step in combating this situation is to help more Americans to see what is going on. That’s why we write articles such as this – not out of hatred or maliciousness, but out of a desire to maintain some contact with reality and help others to do the same.
Now I’ll end this post with a relevant quote from my favorite
real journalist, Bill Moyers, from his book, “
Moyers on Democracy”:
Jesus would not be crucified today… He would instead be banned from the Sunday talk shows and op-ed pages by the sentries of establishment thinking who guard against dissent with the one weapon of mass destruction most cleverly designed to obliterate democracy; the rubber stamp.
Yet democracy requires a public aroused by the knowledge of what is being done to their country in their name. And here is the crisis of the times as I see it… We don’t talk about what democracy means…
The American vision of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, nurtured in a framework of government of, by, and for the people, has not been lost. What we must determine now… is whether we are big enough… whether we are free enough, to take possession again of the government which is our own.