The Invasion of Iraq: Realism vs. Imperialism.

[OnyxCollie]

The Invasion of Iraq: Realism vs. Imperialism.
Copyright 2009 OnyxCollie

Introduction

In March 2003, the United States launched an attack and invasion of the state of Iraq. The United States cited the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 as justification for this action. Was Saddam really a threat to the national security, as members of the Bush Administration had claimed, or was the invasion a commercial venture for Big Oil and the defense industry? Hence the question: Was the invasion of Iraq an example of realism, or was it an example of capitalist imperialism? The significance of this question is that committing a nation to war should be to combat real and serious threats, not to increase profits for the private sector.

Theories of Realism

Realism revolves around national security. Threats to national security can come from rogue states, whose leaders may break from protocol to stockpile weapons of mass destruction, give them to non-state actors, and initiate a surprise attack. If such actions are imminent, a state could launch a preemptive strike to defend itself.

Hypothesis One: The United States invaded Iraq because Iraq was a threat to the national security of the United States.

Evidence to confirm this hypothesis will come from primary documents whenever possible, and supported by press reports from The New York Times, The Washington Post, and others. Proof should demonstrate that Iraq was a clear threat to the United States.

“Behavior results form a process that involves, or functions as it entails, conscious choice.”(1) These choices are developed through a method by which the actor’s preferences are ordered and evaluated to determine which will provide the greatest utility and what course of action should then be taken to achieve them.(2) This is called rationality. These preferences, established and uniform, include a predilection for survival.(3)

For realism, a state’s national security is the highest priority. National security may involve defending against attackers or acquiring a needed natural resource. In foreign relations, ensuring the success of these choices often results in conflicts between opposing states over the balance of power. Power is, as Waltz suggests, “the capacity to produce an intended effect.”(4)

There are two schools of thought regarding distribution of power and war. Proponents of the balance-of-power theory believe that as the disparity between the distribution of power becomes more narrow, there is less likelihood for war.(5) It is assumed that if the disparity in distribution of power is narrow, there is little to gain from changing the status quo and thus no need to go to war. The proponents of the preponderance-of-power theory believe that as the disparity between the distribution of power increases, the stronger state has more leverage to obtain what it desires and there is less likelihood for war because the outcome of an attack initiated by the weaker state is already known.(6) It is to be noted for each theory that as the stronger state retains the upper hand, it may make ever-increasing demands upon the weaker state, which can ultimately lead to war.(7)

Players in this game of power follow a series of rules. Each player is aware of the rules and understands that the other players share their knowledge of the rules. This is called intelligence.(8) Before making a move, players make assumptions as to how other players will respond and consider how their opponent’s actions will affect their own utility and advancement in the game.(9) Waltz, quoting John McDonald, asserts, “Everybody’s strategy depends on everybody else’s.”(10) This is called interdependence.(11)

Players in the game may have knowledge of an opponent’s capabilities, i.e. the payoff minus the cost of fighting. This is called information.(12) There is complete information, where both sides are aware of the other’s capabilities, and incomplete information, where neither side is aware of the other’s capabilities. Incomplete information can lead to war because the state that favors status quo will not be sure what to offer the dissatisfied state. If it offers too little, the dissatisfied state will object and attack. If the satisfied state offers too much, it is left with little to compensate for the loss and may then consider the value of an attack.(13)

Previously stated, realism considers national security to be the highest priority. In a dominate-or-be-dominated world, states are not to be trusted, and in the anarchical international system a third-party arbiter is neither provided nor desired to resolve disputes. This is the “permissive cause” of war,(14) offering “more opportunities, inducements, and rationales for the abuse of power than for restraint.”(15)

Conquering foes and capturing the prizes of war are elemental aspects of realism. Acquiring new territory and natural resources can be significant contributions to national security. This is the “efficient cause” of war.(16) As the stakes in the game are incredibly high, a creed of “whatever it takes” is essential to be forearmed.(17)

Action taken is subject to international regimes, the “rules” of the balance of power game. Since there is no global policeman, what would happen if a player decides to break the rules? Opponents have two choices: they can continue to follow the rules, but do so at their own peril, as their responses will be limited and known while the violator’s will not, or they can abandon the moral high ground and fight dirty.(18) Both choices may have repercussions.

In realism, actions taken are “strictly business”. There are no “good” or “evil” states. States choose to take actions based on what they expect will provide them the greatest utility, always making sure their survival is the primary interest. Waltz suggests, “The struggle for power arises simply because men want things, not because there is some evil in their desires.”(19) Domination of the weaker and exploitation of resources satisfies a basic need for survival.(20)

It follows then, that if states choose to accept the consequences and divorce themselves from adherence to the rules, taking actions to provide themselves the greatest utility (or simply acting irrationally by some defect)(21), the result could be an attack against a state caught unaware, blindsided through deception and comforted in the false security provided by geography. Rather than wait for such an occurrence, a state could execute a preemptive strike in defense.(22)

Theories of Capitalist Imperialism

There are many theories that attempt to explain imperialism; Liberal, Marxian, and Sociological are but a few. One thing common to all of them (and absent from realism) is an economic variable. Realists disregard economics as the reason for imperialism. According to realists, the concerns of the state supersede the wants and needs of a particular class.(23) As the purpose of this essay is to determine whether the intention to invade Iraq was motivated by the tenets of realism or imperialism, concentration will first focus on identifying and finding supporting evidence of the inherent differences between realism and imperialism. Determining which imperialism theory may apply will be the subject of future research.

Capitalist imperialism is the violent takeover of states to obtain resources for the benefit of the private sector, often subjugating the government of the dominant state in the process. Imperialism exploits opportunities for private gain, yet it convinces the populace that it is for the general good of all.

Hypothesis Two: The United States invaded Iraq for the gain of the private sector.

Evidence to confirm this hypothesis will come from primary documents whenever possible, and supported by press reports from The New York Times, The Washington Post, and others. Proof should demonstrate that Iraq’s resources were the reason for the invasion.

Menon and Oneal state that “Imperialism is simply the acquisition of benefits through power rather than free exchange.”(24) Who are the recipients of these benefits? It is the commercial and industrial forces who advocate capitalist imperialism’s expansion to new territories “... and, where possible, to control them to its own advantage by preponderating force, the ultimate expression of which is possession.”(25) Lenin declared that “A few hundred multi-millionaires and millionaires control the destiny of the world.”(26)

The Marxian view is that imperialism is a symptom of the economic force steering the state, pulling military, political, and religious elements in its wake.(27) Agreeing with Marx, Lenin suggests that imperialism is indicative of the “monopoly stage” of capitalism and will only disappear with the collapse of capitalism and the ushering in of the socialist revolution.(28) Schumpeter discloses that imperialism is “the sort of activity which feeds upon itself and is an end in itself, and which does not coincide with its professed aims.”(29)

In the corporate world, firms use rationality to model competition.(30) Exploiting opportunities may afford survival, while failure to act may lead to losses to competing firms or even graver consequences. Landes states that “(Imperialism is) the response to a common opportunity that consists simply in the disparity of power. Whenever and wherever such disparity has existed, people and groups have been ready to take advantage of it.”(31) Hobson contends that imperialism is the means to an end, by which firms seek out “investment opportunities” in territories taken by force.(32)

In foreign relations, opportunities are determined by the circumstances present. The theory of lateral pressure suggests that states cultivate capabilities by which they are able to obtain foreign resources.(33) These capabilities are limited by the checks implemented from “political choice and structural constraints relatively unamenable to manipulation.”(34) Contradicting Hobson, Schumpeter claims that socialist theories of imperialism rely too heavily on economics and fail to take into account other reasons for imperialism, such as national security, the view espoused by the realists, or that it may “simply serve the interests of those who govern.”(35) Even Waltz infers that the cause of war may be found domestically, in “the states themselves (since it is in the name of the state that the fighting is actually done.)”(36)

It is those who govern, partnered with titans of industry, suggests Schumpeter, who now make up the ruling class.(37) This belief is supported by socialists who see the ruling class as those in direct command of the government.(38) Menon and Oneal identify three domestic groups responsible for imperialism:

those motivated by the prospect of economic gain;
agents of the state- particularly those responsible for national security- who may see imperialism as a means of advancing their own careers;
and ideological, religious, or cultural groups who believe that expansion is desirable in principle or even inevitable.(39)

Capitalist societies oppose imperialism, asserts Schumpeter, and argues that to avoid the disdain society has for imperialism, “It must be cloaked in every sort of rationalization.”(40) From Schumpeter’s research a theory was derived that society’s impression of the motives for imperialism had descended from a ruthless time in history when “kill or be killed” was necessary for survival.(41) Schumpeter notes that these beliefs are fostered by the ruling class, which they find serves their needs.(42)

The bourgeoise class crafts a mythos of primal savagery and disseminates it to the other classes to encourage support for its agenda.(43) Addressing the necessity of an informed populace to prevent war, Miller proclaims that “Ignorance of the desires, aims, and characteristics of other peoples leads to fear and is consequently one of the primary causes of aggression.”(44) Waltz also acknowledges that war can be the result of a failure to properly educate the proletariat, “Their instincts are good, though their present gullibility may prompt them to follow false leaders.”(45) Yet Waltz, ever the realist, dismisses reason in favor of force.(46)

According to Gramsci, this ideology becomes the base from which politics and economics arise.(47) The “Gramscian Inversion” sets Marxism on its head. The state becomes the educator, a hegemonic force which constructs the views, ideals, and beliefs of the society it governs.(48) “The State is the entire complex of practical and theoretical activities with which the ruling class not only justifies and maintains its dominance, but manages to win the active consent of those over whom it rules.”(49)

The state professes an ideology that convinces the proletariat that it is operating in the interest of all.(50) Bergesen suggests that, “With the success of this belief comes the ability of that class to continue its privileged position while other classes consider this to be a state of affairs to which they can aspire.”(51) Quoting Bodin, Waltz suggests:

(T)he best way of preserving a state, and guaranteeing it against sedition, rebellion, and civil war is to keep the subjects in amity one with another, and to this end find an enemy against whom they can make common cause.(52)

Gilpin addresses the need for common cause by noting that “Nationalism, having attained its first objective in the form of national unity and independence, develops automatically into imperialism.”(53) And it is Waltz who observes that to set this belief system into motion, a profound and powerful catalyst is necessary: “In every social change... there is a relation between time and force. Generally speaking, the greater the force the more rapidly social change will occur.”(54)

Evidence for Realism

After the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, it was clear that the United States had a vulnerability that could be exploited by nefarious characters, in this case a group of non-state actors called Al Qaeda, who were harbored by the Taliban, a fundamentalist government in the state of Afghanistan. The failure to prevent this attack was a clarion call to rogue states that sought to find success in launching an offensive against the United States through cooperation with non-state actors. The state of Iraq, and its leader, Saddam Hussein, were considered such a possible threat, having in the past used chemical weapons against its own people and having been the reluctant subject of a disarmament campaign after the Gulf War in the early 1990’s.

The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, issued in September 2002, stated “(T)he threat of retaliation is less likely to work against leaders of rogue states more willing to take risks, gambling with the lives of their people, and the wealth of their nations.”(55) It then noted that the legal rationale for a preemptive strike was dependent upon “the existence of an imminent threat”(56) and suggested “We must adapt the concept of imminent threat to the capabilities and objectives of today’s adversaries.”(57)

If it is to be assumed that rogue nations would operate irrationally, risking their own survival to attack the United States, and that the legitimacy of a preemptive strike to defend national security is conditional upon an imminent threat, and that imminence is characterized by the capabilities and objectives of the perpetrator, then the claims of capabilities and objectives of Iraq as presented by the Bush Administration must be examined for validity.

On March 16, 2004, the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Government Reform produced a document entitled Iraq on the Record for then-ranking member Rep. Henry Waxman. The document compiled statements made by five Bush Administration officials, George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, and Condoleeza Rice. It found that out of 125 public appearances, the five officials made a total of 237 misleading statements regarding Iraq’s urgency as a threat, its nuclear capabilities, its chemical and biological warfare program, and its ties to Al Qaeda.(58) The misleading statements began on March 17, 2002 and continued through January 22, 2004, with 161 statements made prior to the invasion and 76 made after to justify the action.(59) The greatest number of misleading statements (64) occurred in the month before Congress voted to invade Iraq.(60)

Beginning with Iraq’s characterization as an urgent threat, on October 2, 2002, President Bush said, “the Iraqi regime is a threat of unique urgency. . . . (I)t has developed weapons of mass death.”(61) On August 26, 2002, Vice President Cheney stressed the need for immediate action, saying, “Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt he is amassing them to use against our friends, against our allies, and against us.”(62) On November 14, 2002, Secretary Rumsfeld offered this scenario:

Now, transport yourself forward a year, two years, or a week, or a month, and if Saddam Hussein were to take his weapons of mass destruction and transfer them, either use them himself, or transfer them to the Al-Qaeda, and somehow the Al-Qaeda were to engage in an attack on the United States, or an attack on U.S. forces overseas, with a weapon of mass destruction you’re not talking about 300, or 3,000 people potentially being killed, but 30,000, or 100,000 . . . human beings.(63)

Despite the certainty of the statements above regarding Iraq’s urgent threat, on February 5, 2004, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director George Tenet stated that the intelligence community “never said there was an ‘imminent’ threat.”(64)

Of the 237 statements, 81 statements exaggerated Iraq’s nuclear capabilities.(65) Examples of these statements include President Bush’s January 28, 2003, State of the Union address, “the British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa”(66); and Vice President Cheney’s statement on September 8, 2002, that “we do know, with absolute certainty, that he is using his procurement system to acquire the equipment he needs . . . to build a nuclear weapon”(67); and the Vice President’s statement on March 16, 2003, that “we believe he has, in fact, reconstituted nuclear weapons”(68)

Regarding Iraq’s nuclear capabilities, the 2006 report from the Senate Select Committe on Intelligence (SSCI) Postwar Findings About Iraq’s WMD Program and Links to Terrorism and How They Compare With Prewar Assessments revealed that the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) evaluation of Iraq’s activities did not equate to “a compelling case that Iraq is pursuing... an integrated and comprehensive approach to acquire nuclear weapons.”(69) Additionally, INR’s evaluation of the claims that Iraq tried to procure uranium from Africa were “highly dubious.”(70) In July 2004, SSCI released a report concluding “that the judgment in the National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear program ‘was not supported by the intelligence.”(71)

Proceeding to Iraq’s biological weapons capabilities, in October 2002 President Bush said:

(W)e assess that most elements of Iraq’s BW program are larger and more advanced than before the Gulf War. We judge Iraq has some BW agent and is capable of quickly producing (in both mobile and fixed facilities) a variety of such agents, including anthrax. It can deliver these BW agents by bomb, missiles, aerial sprayers, and covert operatives.(72)

Yet only a month before, the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) determined “There is no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing and stockpiling chemical weapons or where Iraq has— or will — establish its chemical warfare agent production facilities.”(73) Furthermore, the 2004 SSCI report examined the NIE’s assessment that Iraq had biological weapons and determined the assessment had:

overstated what was known about Iraq’s biological weapons holdings, did not explain the uncertainties underlying the statement (“Baghdad has biological weapons”), and did not explain that the conclusion that Iraq had a mobile biological weapons program was largely based on the reporting from a single source.(74)

Advancing to Iraq’s ties to Al Qaeda, what officials in the Bush Administration said publicly did not match intelligence estimates. From the section marked “Confidence Levels for Selected Key Judgements in this Estimate” in the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq, a rating of “Low Confidence” was given to the suggestion of “Whether in desperation Saddam would share chemical or biological weapons with Al Qa’ida.”(75) Nevertheless, President Bush claimed an Iraq-Al Qaeda tie by saying that Saddam Hussein is “a threat because he is dealing with Al Qaida. . . . (A) true threat facing our country is that an Al Qaida-type network trained and armed by Saddam could attack America and not leave one fingerprint.”(76)

Evidence of Imperialism

As stated in the theory section, imperialism is the acquisition of benefits through force. Private and corporate interests seek opportunities to increase profits and may do so through subjugation of the government. Circumstances involving political structure and societal interests may limit actions available to accomplish this goal. However, with an institutionalized ideological program to shape a preferred perception among classes in addition to a significant catalyst, the resulting national unity can be applied to overcome obstacles leading to gratification.

In 1992, Paul Wolfowitz, then under secretary of defense for policy, bemoans the ending of the first Gulf War.(77) In response he drafts a document called the Defense Planning Guidance, advocating an intervention in Iraq to guarantee "access to vital raw material, primarily Persian Gulf oil" and suggesting preemptive strikes and unilateral action when “collective action cannot be orchestrated."(78) The document makes clear that one of the mission objectives will be “convincing potential competitors that they need not aspire to a greater role or pursue a more aggressive posture to protect their legitimate interests.”(79) The document was leaked to The New York Times and generated an uproar, resulting in a rewrite.(80)

In 1997, Wolfowitz resurfaced in the Project for a New American Century (PNAC), a think-tank chaired by William Kristol, editor of The Weekly Standard and son of neoconservative Irving Kristol.(81) PNAC’s Statement of Principles laments the reduction of military spending after the end of the Cold War and suggests that if the United States wishes to remain a dominant force in the world, it must increase defense spending and the use of military interventions to secure vital interests.(82) Signatories to the Statement of Principles are Wolfowitz, Dick Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld.(83)

In September of 2000, PNAC releases a document titled Rebuilding America’s Defenses. Expounding on the designs in the Statement of Principles, the document calls for increasing defense spending to 3.5% to 3.8% of GDP.(84) The document notes the impediments to transform the military to meet the demands of the new century:

Further, the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a new Pearl Harbor. Domestic politics and industrial policy will shape the pace and content of transformation as much as the requirements of current missions.(85)

During the first week of the Bush Administration, President Bush announced the formation of the National Energy Policy Development Group (NEPDG), a group of cabinet-level and senior administration officials to generate a national energy policy.(86) The NEPDG, chaired by Vice President Cheney, refused requests by the General Accounting Office to provide information.(87) What the GAO was able to discover was that “More than 80 DOE employees from eight departmental offices had direct input into the development of the National Energy Policy report, including science specialists and representatives with significant science expertise.”(88) The Washington Post reported that representatives from Chevron, Conoco Phillips, and Royal Dutch/ Shell among other oil companies met with the NEPDG and "’gave detailed energy policy recommendations’ to the task force.”(89)

Following the terrorist attacks of September 2001, Bush Administration officials incorporated moralistic terms when referring to Saddam Hussein. On the February 3, 2002 “Fox News Sunday” show, Madeline Albright’s comment about the “Axis of Evil” reference was discussed. Albright had objected to the reference, but Secretary Rice “disagreed, calling the move an excellent way for the U.S. to rally the world.” (90)

Conclusions

After examining the theories of realism and imperialism, it is apparent that the support for realism is slim, while the support for imperialism is great. The actions taken by the Bush Administration go far beyond poor intelligence. These actions were carried out with forethought. Considering the amount of blood and treasure lost in Iraq, one would hope for change. However, six years after the invasion, it seems like that is unlikely.

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2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.; Chatterjee, P. (1972). The classical balance of power theory. Journal of Peace Research, 9 (1), p. 52.
4 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 205.
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6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 Moorthy, K.S. (1985). Using game theory to model competition. Journal of Marketing Research, 22 (3), pp. 262-282.
9 Ibid.
10 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 201.
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12 Ibid.
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16 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 234
17 Ibid, p. 205.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid, p. 34.
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22 Ibid, p. 7.
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29 Ibid, p. 750.
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32 Ibid, p. 171.
33 Ibid, p. 186.
34 Ibid, p. 187.
35 Ibid, p. 177.
36 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 81.
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38 Menon, J. & Oneal, J.R. (1986). Explaining imperialism: The state of the art as reflected in three theories. Polity,
19 (2), p. 180.
39 Ibid. p. 192.
40 Winslow, E.M. (1931). Marxian, liberal, and sociological theories of imperialism. The Journal of Political Economy, 39 (6), p. 752.
41 Ibid. p. 751.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
44 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 48.
45 Ibid. p. 17.
46 Ibid. p. 120.
47 Bergesen, A. (1993). The rise of semiotic Marxism. Sociological Perspectives, 36 (1), p. 2.
48 Ibid. p. 3.
49 Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks. New York: International Publishers, p. 244 as cited in Ibid. p. 4.
50 Bergesen, A. (1993). The rise of semiotic Marxism. Sociological Perspectives, 36 (1), p. 4
51 Ibid.
52 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 81.
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54 Waltz, K. (1954). Man the state and war. New York: Columbia University Press, p. 58.
55 White House, National Security Strategy of the United States, September 2002, p. 15.
56 Ibid.
57 Ibid.
58 U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Government Reform- Minority Office, Iraq on the Record, p. i
59 Iraq on the Record, p. ii
60 Ibid.
61 White House, President, House Leadership Agree on Iraq Resolution (Oct. 2, 2002).
62 White House, Vice President Speaks at VFW 103rd National Convention (Aug. 26, 2002).
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64 Central Intelligence Agency, Remarks as Prepared for Delivery by Director of Central Intelligence George J. Tenet at Georgetown University (Feb. 5, 2004).
65 Iraq on the Record, p. ii
66 Ibid, p. iii
67 Ibid.
68 Ibid.
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71 Ibid, p. 129
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74 Report on the U.S. Intelligence Community’s Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq, Senate Select Committeeon Intelligence, S. Rept. 108-301, July 7, 2004, pp. 188-189

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78 Ibid.
79 Tyler, P. E. (1992, March 8). U.S. strategy plan calls for insuring no rivals develop a one-superpower world. The New York Times. Retrieved April 30 from http://work.colum.edu/~amiller/wolfowitz1992.htm

80 Cirincione, J. (n.d.). Origins of regime change in Iraq. Carnegie Proliferation Brief 6 (5)
81 Ibid.
82 Project for a New American Century. (1997, June 3). Statement of Principles. Retrieved September 28, 2006 from http://www.newamericancentury.org/statementofprinciples.htm

83 Ibid.
84 Project for a New American Century. (2000). Rebuilding America’s Defenses, p. v. Retrieved September 28, 2006from http://www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf

85 Ibid. p. 51
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87 Ibid.
88 Ibid. p. 14.
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[Tierra_y_Libertad]

1. In either case, it was a monumental flop. As an aside to your post...

Is the dog a Belgian Tervuran?

[OnyxCollie]

2. Belgian Groenendael.

Same dog, different color.

Meddling Sunnis. Why can't they agree to the Hydrocarbon Law so the oil companies can get more money?:sarcasm:

[Tierra_y_Libertad]

3. Beautiful dogs. And, smaaaart.

I had a girlfriend who had one, damn that dog was smart.

As to your post, I see Afghanistan heading the same way, without any of the "benefits" promised emerging. Neither the "defeat" of the Taliban, the liberation of women, peace in the region, stopping the opium trafficking, or a stable government.

[timeforpeace]

4. Ah, but Pakistan, that's where we see benefits start accruing. Third war's a charm.