If we ever had another "Constitutional Convention" there are no,
absolutely no guarantees that anything in the current document would survive. Once the door gets opened, the entire document is up for grabs. Everything goes up for grabs in a Constitutional Convention. Everything we hold dear. Everything. You literally throw open the entire Constitution, without any exception, to total change. We could lose far more than we'd ever gain. We could conceivably have all of the Bill of Rights dramatically amended, selectively wiped out, etc. I shudder to think of what might happen under even the best of intentions.
I'm throwing in some old research I did when this came up at DU a couple of years ago. You'll find some unusual citations in here, in that I've used a combination of public records and certain wingnut sites. I don't apologize for this; when you're talking about Constitutional Conventions, it pays to know your enemy. Apparently a lot of conservatives, right-leaning libertarians, religious extremists, and several wingnuts have considered the risks of such a convention, while just as many support the idea. Paul Weyrich's fingers were in this some years back, also; what a surprise. :eyes:
I'm no constitutional scholar, but the fact that there's much uncertainty about the interpretation of Article V, how it would be applied, and who would be making the interpretations and decisions before such a convention was convened, gives me pause. And when even the guys on the other side have concerns, you must wonder if the risks are real, and the idea worth the risks.
The biggest risk is the paradox: We can't know what the risks are until and unless we actually call such a convention, and then it would be too late to stop it.When the first (and so far only) Constitutional Convention met in 1787 at Philadelphia, Congress stated it would meet ‘for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation’. Well, we all know how that turned out; a contentious time was had by all, the Articles of Confederation were abandoned, and they wound up writing our original Constitution. We have no guarantees that Congress or indeed anyone could stop a repeat of that event.
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Article V of the United States ConstitutionThe Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.
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After the convention of 1787, when talk was brewing of holding yet another convention, Madison warned against it. Holland had recently loaned America money to keep it solvent, and Europeans feared a convention would negate that loan by some new procedure. Madison stated:
"Having witnessed the difficulties and dangers experienced by the first convention which assembled under every propitious circumstance, I should tremble for the result of a second, meeting in the present temper of America ...the prospect of a second convention would be viewed by all of Europe as a dark cloud hanging over the Constitution." -- Letter to George Turberville from James Madison, 1787.
http://libertylaws.us/id44.htmChief Justice Warren Burger (supposedly) wrote a letter to Phyllis Schafly in 1983. As Schafly was a member of the Commission on the Bicentennial of the U.S. Constitution (something that to this day boggles my mind) this shouldn't be too hard to believe.
I have also repeatedly given my opinion that there is no effective way to limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda. Congress might try to limit the convention to one amendment or to one issue, but there is no way to assure that the convention would obey. After a convention is convened, it will be too late to stop the convention if we don't like its agenda. The meeting in 1787 ignored the limit placed by the confederation Congress ‘for the sole and express purpose.’
With George Washington as chairman, they were able to deliberate in total secrecy, with no press coverage and no leaks. A constitutional Convention today would be a free-for-all for special interest groups, television coverage, and press speculation.
Our 1787 Constitution was referred to by several of its authors as a ‘miracle.’ Whatever gain might be hoped for from a new Constitutional Convention could not be worth the risks involved. A new convention could plunge our Nation into constitutional confusion and confrontation at every turn, with no assurance that focus would be on the subjects needing attention. I have discouraged the idea of a Constitutional Convention, and I am glad to see states rescinding their previous resolutions requesting a convention. In these bicentennial years, we should be celebrating its long life, not challenging its very existence. Whatever may need repair on our Constitution can be dealt with by specific amendments."
http://www.sweetliberty.org/issues/concon/burger.htmWhen the repubs were busy in 1999 on the idea of embracing a limited Con-Con to address their pet issue of 'term limits', there was a bill up for consideration in the Judiciary Committee; here's an excerpt from the commentary:
Another problem with a Constitutional Convention is that even if it isn't a ''run-away'' convention (that is, even if the Constitutional Convention met to adopt only one amendment), the mere fact that the states met could have a far-reaching jurisprudential impact. Would the Supreme Court view a Constitutional Convention which kept the pre-existing Constitution as an implicit ratification of prior Supreme Court rulings? This would cause those on the left (who oppose certain Rehnquist Court rulings) and those on the right (who oppose certain Warren Court rulings) a considerable amount of trouble."
http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/judiciary/hju57226.000/hju57226_0f.htmCorpus Jurus Secundum is a compilation of State Supreme Court findings. Following is the collection of findings regarding the unlimited power of the delegates attending a Constitutional Convention. Legal "experts" have asserted that it would be highly unlikely that the U.S. Supreme Court would overturn findings from several separate and concurring State Supreme Courts. The footnote numbers after the citation quoted reference the particular cases from which the citations were made.
These citations, along with the letter from Chief Justice Warren Burger clearly and concisely tell us that if a Constitutional Convention were to be opened, for whatever "alleged" purpose, there would be no controlling the outcome. State Legislators have been lulled into a false sense of safety by assurances that there is no danger in a Con-Con because, "of course, you would never ratify a bad amendment or a total rewrite of the Constitution". What the State Legislators are NOT told - and probably 99% of them are unaware of the fact - is that there are two modes of ratifying an amendment, and the U.S. Congress decides which that would be. In other words, state's legislatures can be bypassed in favor of ratifying conventions.
From Corpus Jurus Secundum 16 C.J.S 9
The members of a Constitutional Convention are the direct representatives of the people (1) and, as such, they may exercise all sovereign powers that are vested in the people of the state. (2) They derive their powers, not from the legislature, but from the people: (3) and, hence, their power may not in any respect be limited or restrained by the legislature. Under this view, it is a Legislative Body of the Highest Order (4) and may not only frame, but may also enact and promulgate, Constitution. (5)
Citations:
(1) Mississippi (1892) Sproule v. Fredericks; 11 So. 472
(2) Iowa (1883) Koehler v. Hill; 14 N.W. 738
(3) West Virginia (1873) Loomis v. Jackson; 6 W. Va. 613
(4) Oklahoma (1907) Frantz v. Autry; 91 p. 193
(5) Texas (1912) Cox v. Robison; 150 S.W. 1149
http://www.sweetliberty.org/issues/concon/corpus.htm