This is the fourth article in a series on the accuracy of polls and polling averages. In the first two installments, we demonstrated that polls have been extremely accurate at forecasting the winners of governors’ and Senate races in recent years — much more so than you might expect based on intuition alone.
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There is another type of argument, however, that is potentially more troubling. It could be that, irrespective of the character of this political cycle, polling itself is in decline. This is a widely held view among political elites and many polling professionals — and quite a few of the readers of this blog, I might add.
There are some sound theoretical reasons to think that this is indeed the case. We’ll take these up today, in Part IV of the series. Tomorrow, in Part V, we’ll look at what the empirical evidence says — and make an effort to diagnose just how serious these problems are from the standpoint of our forecasting models. Finally, in Part VI, we’ll address some additional concerns related to statistical modeling more generally.
There are several good reasons to be concerned about the state of the polling industry.
1.
Response rates to all types of polls are decreasing, as Americans become more aggressive about screening their phone calls. One academic study found roughly a 30 percent decline in survey response rates (from 36 percent to 25 percent) from 1997 to 2003 — although rates of decline were slightly smaller for surveys that used more rigorous methodology. The downward trajectory has almost certainly continued since 2003.
Moreover,
the effects are especially large among certain demographic groups, like young voters. Pew has found, for instance, that only 7 percent of the adults who respond to a typical landline poll are 18- to 29-years-old. This compares to 21 percent in 1995, a figure that is far more representative of young adults’ share of the population.
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2.
Many young Americans — and an increasing number of older Americans — rely primarily or entirely on their mobile phones, which many pollsters do not call. About one in four Americans live in cellphone-only households, and that fraction is increasing every year. In addition, another 15 percent of Americans have land lines installed, but rely principally on their cellphones, and many of them rarely or never accept incoming calls on their land lines, especially from strangers.
3. The proliferation of “robopoll” firms like SurveyUSA and Rasmussen Reports may in and of itself be a problem, or may exacerbate the other problems. About 60 percent of the polls in our database this year were conducted by automated polling firms. Some of them have achieved decent results in recent years. Rasmussen Reports and Public Policy Polling, for instance, have somewhat above-average track records, as measured by the accuracy of polls conducted close to Election Day. And SurveyUSA has had a considerably above-average performance.
But, automated polls are also associated with lower response rates. And some of the firms, like Rasmussen Reports, take other types of shortcuts, like conducting all of their polling in a single evening. Also, as we have mentioned, they almost never include cellphones in their samples. Therefore, it is open to question whether these firms can continue to perform on par with traditional pollsters.
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All of these problems boil down, more or less, to response rates. Just which fraction of Americans are both able and willing to participate in a survey? And are the Americans who are taking part in surveys representative of those who don’t?
Much more....
http://fivethirtyeight.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/10/04/the-uncanny-accuracy-of-polling-averages-part-iv-are-the-polls-getting-worse/#more-1713And, the most important question, how many of the people in this photo are sitting at home by their land lines from 5-7pm waiting to eagerly talk to a pollster?